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Asahi Shimbun PHOTO: Byodoin temple’s phoenix statues implanted with colorful plumage

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Monsho Kamii, the head priest at Byodoin temple in Uji, Kyoto Prefecture, shows a phoenix replica with a five-colored crest. (Noboru Tomura)

Monsho Kamii, the head priest at Byodoin temple in Uji, Kyoto Prefecture, shows a phoenix replica with a five-colored crest. (Noboru Tomura)

The Asahi Shimbun, July 05, 2014

By TAKU KOYAMA/ Staff Writer
UJI, Kyoto Prefecture–Two phoenix statues, replicated from ones that had graced the roof of World Heritage site Byodoin temple, now sport multicolored crests.

The temple, which is home to national treasures and important cultural properties, unveiled the pair July 3.

“It looks as if the plumes are waving in the wind,” said head priest Monsho Kamii. “The phoenix is beautiful and wild.”

The original statues each had 32 holes on the top of the head, showing that they once had tufts of feathers. But in the centuries following Phoenix Hall’s completion in 1053, the plumage gradually wore away.

Small holes, evidence of a comb of feathers, are seen in the head of the original phoenix statue at Byodoin temple in Uji, Kyoto Prefecture (Provided by Byodoin)

Small holes, evidence of a comb of feathers, are seen in the head of the original phoenix statue at Byodoin temple in Uji, Kyoto Prefecture (Provided by Byodoin)

The topknots have been reproduced based on descriptions in ancient Chinese documents. Each statue is decorated with 32 strands of 20-centimeter copper wire, with blue, yellow, red, white and black thread wound around them.

At 30 cm tall, the replicas are two-sevenths the height of the original statues, which were made of bronze and gold-plated.

The original phoenix pair is now on display at the Byodoin Museum Hoshokan.

According to temple officials, the public will get a chance to view the replicas in late September at the earliest.

By TAKU KOYAMA/ Staff Writer



R&D: Japanese gold leaf artists worked on the nanoscale

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Photographs of the two pairs of screens belonging to the Momoyama period a. MNAA-Naizen; b. MNAA-Domi

Photographs of the two pairs of screens belonging to the Momoyama period a. MNAA-Naizen; b. MNAA-Domi

“Even though the ancient Egyptians were probably the first to gild artwork with it, the Japanese have long been credited as being able to produce the thinnest gold leaf in the world.”

Via R&D 7/02/2014

Ancient Japanese gold leaf artists were truly masters of their craft. An analysis of six ancient Namban paper screens show that these artifacts are gilded with gold leaf that was hand-beaten to the nanometer scale. Study leader Sofia Pessanha of the Atomic Physics Center of the University of Lisbon in Portugal believes that the x-ray fluorescence technique her team used in the analysis could also be used to date other artworks without causing any damage to them. The results are published in Springer’s journal Applied Physics A: Material Science and Processing.

Photographs of the two screens belonging to the Edo period a MO; b private

Photographs of the two screens belonging to the Edo period a MO; b private

Gold leaf refers to a very thin sheet made from a combination of gold and other metals. It has almost no weight and can only be handled by specially designed tools. Even though the ancient Egyptians were probably the first to gild artwork with it, the Japanese have long been credited as being able to produce the thinnest gold leaf in the world. In Japanese traditional painting, decorating with gold leaf is named Kin-haku, and the finest examples of this craft are the Namban folding screens, or byobu. These were made during the late Momoyama (around 1573 to 1603) and early Edo (around 1603 to 1868) periods.

南蛮美術 - Namban Culture and First European Contacts with Japan

南蛮美術 – Namban Culture and First European Contacts with Japan

Pessanha’s team examined six screens that are currently either part of a museum collection or in a private collection in Portugal. Four screens belong to the Momoyama period, and two others were decorated during the early Edo period. The researchers used various x-ray fluorescence spectroscopy techniques to test the thickness and characteristics of the gold layers. The method is completely non-invasive, no samples needed to be taken, and therefore the artwork was not damaged in any way. Also, the apparatus needed to perform these tests is portable and can be done outside of a laboratory.

The gilding was evaluated by taking the attenuation or weakening of the different characteristic lines of gold leaf layers into account. The methodology was tested to be suitable for high grade gold alloys with a maximum of 5% influence of silver, which is considered negligible.

The two screens from the early Edo period were initially thought to be of the same age. However, Pessanha’s team found that gold leaf on a screen kept at Museu Oriente in Lisbon was thinner, hence was made more recently. This is in line with the continued development of the gold beating techniques carried out in an effort to obtain ever thinner gold leaf.

“This simple comparison allowed establishing a timeline between the manufacture of two pieces attributed to the same period, proving that X-ray fluorescence techniques can be an important asset in the dating of artworks,” says Pessanha.

Read the full article at Springer: Comparison of gold leaf thickness in Namban folding screens using X-ray fluorescence Pessanha, S. Et al., (2014) DOI 10.1007/s00339-014-8531-z Excerpts follow:

“In this work, the thickness of the gold leaf applied in six Japanese folding screens is compared using a nondestructive approach. Four screens belonging to the Momoyama period (~1573–1603) and two screens belonging to the early Edo period (~1603–1868) were analyzed in situ using energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence, and the thickness of the applied gold leaf was evaluated using a methodology based on the attenuation of the different characteristic lines of gold in the gold leaf layer. Considering that the leaf may well not be made of pure gold, we established that, for the purpose of comparing the intensity ratios of the Au lines, layers made with gold leaf of high grade can be considered identical. The gold leaf applied in one of the screens from the Edo period was found to be thinner than the gold leaf applied in the other ones. This is consistent with the development of the beating technology to obtain ever more thin gold leafs. …

Gold was one of the first metals manipulated by men Because of its remarkable malleability, which makes it easily beaten to form the desirable shape [1]. Its noble metal stability and resistance to tarnish gives durability to The objects on which it is applied to. Its suitability to adorn small or larger areas renders it an excellent material and the finest among metals for use in the decoration of artworks.

Two different terms have been employed to define metal sheets of varying thickness: foil and leaf. The former is generally used to describe a sufficiently thick sheet that can support its own weight while the latter, which mainly
applies to gold, refers to a very thin sheet that has almost no weight and that can only be handled by specially designed tools.
With modern technology, the gold leaf can be obtained as thin as 0.1 lm [2]; however, the thickness of the leaf used in ancient artworks could be as thick as the 5–10 lm applied in an Egyptian 50 BC ceramic masque, or as thin as
0.2–0.5 lm used in the gilding of medieval Islamic glazed ceramics [3]. According to Koyano [4], the Japanese gold Leaf is said to be the thinnest in the world. …

The gold leaf applied to six Nanban screens was compared, and the leaf applied to the screen kept at Museu Oriente was found to be the thinnest. … Considering that the thickness of the gold leaf tends to decrease significantly with the advent of gold beating technological development, these results are indicative that this specimen from Museu Oriente is the most recent. This comparison allowed establishing a timeline between the manufacture of two pieces attributed to the same period–from 1603 to 1868, proving to be an important asset in the dating of artworks.” End of excerpt.

 

 

 


Himeji Castle dazzles and startles with new all-white roofing

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Restoration of all-white tiled roofing

Restoration of all-white tiled roofing Photo courtesy: Brian Ashcraft

 
The visual impact of the recent renovation works of the Himeji Castle is startling – it used to be thought that the white-plastered walls were the reason why the structure earned it the name Shirasagi-jo or White Heron Castle (aka Egret Castle) – but now that the roofs have been restored to its original gleaming white-tiled roofing, the effect is even more complete, and shows how the regal, elegant and graceful structure must have mesmerized the ancient medieval world.

From the UNESCO World Heritage organization, this is their assessment of the value of Himeji Castle as a World Heritage site …paraphrased below:

Combining an effective functional defense role with great aesthetic appeal, both in the use of white-painted plaster and in the subtle design in the layering of multiple roofs, Himeji castle represents the culmination of Japanese castle architecture in wood.

The look BEFORE restoration Photo: Wikimedia Commons

The look BEFORE restoration Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Himeji-jo is a masterpiece of wooden construction, and the finest surviving example of early 17th-century Japanese castle architecture, preserving all its significant features intact.

The castle is also a powerful and evocative symbol of the feudalism that prevailed for almost three centuries, until the events of 1868 Meiji restoration when the Shogun fell.

The castle property, situated on a hill summit in the central part of the Harima Plain, covers 107 hectares and comprises eighty-two buildings. It is centred on the Tenshu-gun, a complex made up of the donjon, keeps and connecting structures that are part of a highly developed system of defence and ingenious protection devices dating from the beginning of the Shogun period.

Himeji Castle at the centre of the feudal domain prevailed for three centuries

Himeji Castle at the centre of the feudal domain prevailed for three centuries. Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Himeji Castle is the largest castle in Japan. It serves as an excellent example of prototypical Japanese castle architecture, containing many of the defensive and architectural features (such as the concentric circular moats, and maze-like approach designed to confound and stall attackers) associated with Japanese castles. Himeji Castle sits ensconsced within concentric moats and walls, and today within extensive grounds that, in its heyday would have contained barracks, stabling, and residences for the lord of the castle’s samurai.

The curved walls of Himeji Castle are sometimes said to resemble giant fans (扇子 sensu), but the principal materials used in the structures are stone and wood. Feudal family crests (紋 mon) are installed throughout the architecture of the building, signifying the various lords that inhabited the castle throughout its history.

By the way, the Himeji Castle is commonly contrasted with Matsumoto Castle, another authentic and non-ferro-concrete structure, which is nick-named the Black Crow Castle(see: Japan Visitor)

Further readings:

Himeji Castle: Design and meaning of its roof By Dr Adrianna Piccinini Nagashino

Himeji Castle


The Legend of Sanai-Isoba, heroine of Yonaguni Island

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Excerpted from Ryukyu Survey 1960 ~51~ By Naioichi Kokubu and Erika Kaneko

Sanai-Isoba is said to have lived on top of the rocky hill top

Sanai-Isoba is said to have lived on top of the rocky hill top

“Yonaguni history is shrouded in complete mystery. Neither local traditions, nor outside sources provide reliable data for a reconstruction. Official written sources like the course gazette of the ‘Shuri ofu’ (AD 1707) offer no detailed information on the outlying Yayeyama islands, let alone isolated Yonaguni. The Yaeyama to Yurai ki and other locally compiled documents , originally in 7 volumes, was lost in the tidal wave of AD 1771; and it was subsequently reconstructed by order of the officials Miyara, Ishigaki and Ohama.

Sanai-Isoba. In local tradition the key figure is the female chieftain Sanai-Isoba.
Ikema and Arazato (1957:46) explain the name as a combination of the given female name Isoba with the place-name Sanai which in turn denotes ‘the place of the gajumaru’ (ficus retusa, small-leafed banyan).

Sanai-Isoba is a female of superhuman stature and strength; she performed astonishing feats and taught the islanders agriculture and improved ways of life. She also established her four brothers as village heads of Donanbaru, Dateg, Dannu, and Tebaru. She is said to have gone abroad to Ishigaki and Iriomote, thereby initiating a cultural pattern, whereby the less advanced must learn from their superiors, viz. the Okinawans from the Chinese, the Miyakoans from the Okinawans and so forth, isolated, marginal Yonaguni was the lowest rung on the ladder.

Is Sanai-Isoba a historical person and if so when did she live? Every Yonaguni child can point out the field ‘where her house once stood’ and knows the location of her grave where under a large tree village trials were held until quite recently.

Sannai Isoba is worshiped in a ritual which takes place once a year. The high ranking Chimafuka family consider er their ancestor and until a generation ago reckoned from her its matrilineal descent.”

Note: Details from the story check out with written histories from the Shuri court in Ryukyu or Okinawa, and put Sanai-Isoba’s rule at 1500 AD, but the extent of her powers are seriously questioned, given that Yonaguni and Yaeyama were recorded to have been taken in an invasion by Nakayama Kanemaru who conquered Lord Oyake Akahachi in that year. As Sanai-Isoba’s name is not recorded anywhere else, the authors surmize that Sanai-Isoba is a tradition that comes from other Yonaguni. Since all ships from Yonaguni putting out to sea first pay a visit to the Ohaketa site on Sonai, Iriomote Island, the authors believe that this is the ancestral grave of Sonaito Otakegisha, of the Yonagunians.


Cranial deformation not found anywhere in Japan except on Tanegashima island

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 Signs of cranial deformation in the skulls of Hirota site, Tanegashima Island


Signs of cranial deformation in the skulls of Hirota site, Tanegashima Island

One puzzling question that has persistently perplexed archaeologists and scholars is that of why no skulls with artificial cranial deformation have ever been found on the Japanese islands. This is despite the evidence in genetics that a substantive part of the Japanese genepool is shared with Korea where the cranial traits are marked.  Historical texts too say a great many immigrants called toraijin from the continent and Korea settled in the Japanese archipelagos, so it is a mystery why no cranial deformation has been observed. That is, until now. All of the skeletons uncovered at the Hirota site on Tanegashima Island (continuous settlement between Final Yayoi to Late Kofun period, 3rd to 7th century) were found to have cranial deformations. Another cranial traits study (Kato et al.) puts Mongolians, the Yayoi and Japanese and North Americans (Aleut Eskimos Arctic grouping) together in the same cluster as well as on a gradual distance cline (the Chancay were noted to show resemblance to the Ainu and Jomon in terms of facial flatness).

However, a further puzzle remains, faced to the Pacific Ocean and of a southerly orientation (being part of Kagoshima prefecture, and its procuring of shells from the southern seas), the closest head-binding practising culture would have been from the Philippines, rather than from the Hun-inhabited Eurasian continent. Being of a short stature, the Hirota people also don’t seem to fit the continental types, but appear to be closer to the Philippine type (see Mizoguchi, Conese)

From the Historic Site Hirota report:

“Lateral view of the skeleton recovered from burial No. 1, northern sector (Final Yayoi) Viewed from the side, the skull is seen to be flattened at the back. Not only this skeleton, but all of the skeletons found at Hirota were flat-headed. For this reason it is thought that the Hirota people followed the custom of deliberately deforming the skull. As people practicing this form of cranial deformation have not been found in any other region in the Japanese archipelago, it may be regarded as a special characteristic of the Hirota residents.”

The Hirota people (today Minamitane town, Kagoshima prefecture) had a unique material culture that was completely different from that on any of the other Japanese islands: they were buried in multiples in a “stone-covered graves” at the top of coastal dunes. They had an extremely rich shell-jewelry items numbering nearly 3,000 pieces, of southern seas’ Amami and Okinawan islands’ provenance. The people were all of extremely short stature, none of whom, not even the men, were over 154 cm high.

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In areas contiguous to Japan on the continent:

Chinese records mention that in the 3rd century, the people of Chen-Han (Jinhan) in Korea practiced cranial deformation, and this is confirmed by skulls unearthed in the Kaya/Gaya region (see Pusan National University Museum page):

“about 30% of the Yean-ri women buried in the early 4th century site had the indications of pyeondu (“frontal cranial deformation”). The pyeondu custom is a kind of the cranial deformation custom to make a deformed head shape by pressing the forehead with a wooden board or stone since infancy. It is known that this custom was a unique custom of Byeonhan and Jinhan because it also corresponds to the article about Byeonhan and Jinhan in Sanguozhi Weishu Dongyizhuan: it says that “all the Jinhan people have a deformed skull as before because their heads were pressed with stones during their infancy.”

A Youtube Video (in Korean) highlights the customary practice in Korea and elsewhere; in Russia

Brachycephalic skulls were also reported of the Okunev Culture from amongst the “Cultures and Ethnic Groups West of China in the Second and First Millennia B.C.”,

“IN the northern zone, the progressive cultures with incipient metallurgy are Krotovo and Samus’ (between the Rivers Ob and Irtys) as well as Okunev in the Minusinsk Basin, an island of steppe on the Upper Yenisei surrounded by forested mountains (Molodin 1977). Examples of pottery with affinities to these cultures are said to have been observed in Inner Mongolia on Chinese territory (Clenova 1977; KK 1964[1]: 2). Engravings where found on stone slabs which were used as building- material in burials of the Okunev Culture. Two stylistic groups can be discerned: a realistic one, representing bulls and men with bird-masks, and a schematic one, the essential motifs of which are a horned mask with three eyes and a symbol of the sun (a ring with four tips). …The realistic style could possibly be derived from the south of Central Asia (Matjuscenko 1977). The schematic one may possibly have a relation to “cryptic magic,” which was presumed to have been the background of some painted designs of the Yangshao Culture in Kansu (Chang 19777:110-132; cf. Formozov 1969: 109, 194).

The affinities are significant, since there is a Mongoloid component of Central Asian origin in the Okunev population (brachycephalic skulls) (Ivanova 1966). Within the framework of this northern complex, a center of bronze casting and metal trade arose that later influenced Eastern Europe….”. …

In Khalcajan, a dynastic sanctuary of the Kushans, a relief of high artistic value displays a solemn act of alliance. The men of one of the participating groups were characterized by Pugacenkova (1971) as follows:

There is a marked, artificially inflicted deformation of the skull, particularly noticeable in side-view: the occiput is flat, the receding forehead bulges in a triangle over the bridge of the nose, lending a rather stern look to the faces of the men, young and aged alike. The faces are thin, the straight nose is not large. The dark eyes of average size have no trace of epicanthus, but their corners are outlined in black towards the temples; this, coupled with the high cheek-bones, lends the faces a certain “Tartar” look. The specific trimming of the black hair does not occur among other ancient peoples: the hair, bound by a strap, rises over the forehead, is combed away from the ears and clipped below them: the small arrow-shaped moustache frames the upper lip: there are side-whiskers. …

Pugacenkova compared the sculptured heads of the first group (evidently those who were in a somewhat superior social position) with the face on the coins of Heraos, who was of Yueh-chih origin and who is considered to be the ancestor of the early Kushan kings. She thinks that fraternization between the nomad invaders and the Bactrian nobility of Iranian origin belonged to the political aims of Heraos, and that his success in this respect is depicted here.

In my opinion, the main scene could even portray a double marriage which united a local dynasty with that of Heraos. This would explain how the Bactrian language prevailed over the idiom of the immigrants”

“T’ao-hung-pa-la may really represent an early stage of Hsiung-nu-Culture. The predominance of Western (from Altai and Tuva) and northern elements (from the Slab Grave culture mentioned earlier) is striking, and may have produced conditions where the Hsiung-nu were able to make the transition from the tribe to state earlier than their neighbors in regions farther to the east, such as the Hsien-pi. In addition, as is known from the historical sources, the Hsiung-nu were strongly influenced by the Yueh-chih, who lived at their southwestern borders. Embroideries on a tapestry found in Noin-Ula but only preserved in fragments (Rudenko 1962/1969, pl LX-LXIX) show male heads similar to those of the Heraos family. “

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The earliest recorded evidence of artificial cranial modification dates to 45,000 BC in Neandertal skulls from the Shanidar Cave in Iraq (see Fig. 2.1, Trinkaus, Erik 1982).  Skull flattening was observed of the Proto-Neolithic Homo sapiens component (12th millennium BCE.). See “Artificial Cranial Deformation in the in Shanidar 1 and 5 Neandertals”. Current Anthropology 23 (2): 198–199. doi:10.1086/202808. JSTOR 2742361; A. Agelarakis, “The Shanidar Cave Proto-Neolithic Human Population: Aspects of Demography and Paleopathology”, Human Evolution, volume 8, no. 4 (1993), pp. 235-253] as well as among the Neolithic peoples of SW Asia

The earliest written record of cranial deformation dates to 400 BC in Hippocrates’ description of the Macrocepahes people who were named for their practice of cranial modification (Gerszten and Gerszten, 1995).

” … the same practice of nursing the child and carrying it about, bound to a flat cradle-board, prevailed in Britain and the north of Europe long before the first notices of written history reveal the presence of man beyond the Baltic or the English Channel, and that in all probability the same custom prevailed continuously from the shores of the German Ocean to Behring’s Strait.” (“Smithsonian Report,” 1862, p. 286.)

Skull flattening was also observed of ancient Sumerian peoples of the Al-Ubaid period (see p. 312 of Taxila). John Marshall’s “Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization” as well as “Anthropology” (by Ram Nath Sharma, Rajendra Kumar Sharma) in addition to Al-Ubaid burials, wrote that cranian deformation features were also seen of skulls of Kish; Ur of Mesopotamia; Additanallur in Madras; Veddahs of Ceylon(Sri Lanka); Naga of Calcutta; jar burials of Harappa; Mediterranean; Nal in Baluchistan; Sialkot in Punjab; and Bayana (Aryan skulls) in Uttar Pradesh.

In the Old World, Huns and Alans are also known to have practised similar cranial deformation. See a facial reconstruction of a Hun woman  Das Historische Museum der Pfalz. In Late Antiquity (AD 300-600), the East Germanic tribes who were ruled by the Huns, adopted this custom (Gepids, Ostrogoths, Heruli, Rugii and Burgundians).

Nazca SkullCredit: Didier Descouens, Creative CommonsA deformed skull dating to between 200 B.C. and 100 B.C. and belonging to an individual of the Nazca culture, which flourished along the Peruvian coast

Nazca SkullCredit: Didier Descouens, Creative Commons A deformed skull dating to between 200 B.C. and 100 B.C. and belonging to an individual of the Nazca culture, which flourished along the Peruvian coast

Dr. L. A. Gosse testifies to the prevalence of the same custom among the Caledonians and Scandinavians in the earliest times; and Dr. Thurman has treated of the same peculiarity among the Anglo-Saxons. Crania Britannica,” chap. iv., p. 38.)

ANCIENT SWISS SKULL.
Here, then, is an extraordinary and unnatural practice which has existed from the highest antiquity, over vast regions of country, on both sides of the Atlantic, and which is perpetuated unto this day in races as widely separated as the Turks, the French, and the Flat-head Indians. Is it possible to explain this except by supposing that it originated from some common centre?

The following heads are from Del Rio’s “Account of Palenque,” copied into Nott and Gliddon’s “Types of Mankind,” p. 440. They show that the receding forehead was a natural characteristic of the ancient people of Central America. The same form of head has been found even in fossil skulls. We may therefore conclude that the skull-flattening, which we find to have been practised in both the Old and New Worlds, was an attempt of other races to imitate the form of skull of a people whose likenesses are found on the monuments of Egypt and of America. It has been shown that this peculiar form of the head was present even in the fœtus of the Peruvian mummies.

Hippocrates tells us that the practice among the Scythians was for the purpose of giving a certain aristocratic distinction.

Amedée Thierry, in his “History of Attila,” says the Huns used it for the same reason; and the same purpose influences the Indians of Oregon.

Dr. Lund, a Swedish naturalist, found in the bone caves of Minas-Geraes, Brazil, ancient human bones associated with the remains of extinct quadrupeds. “These skulls,” says Lund, “show not only the peculiarity of the American race but in an excessive degree, even to the entire disappearance of the forehead.” Sir Robert Schomburgh found on some of the affluents of the Orinoco a tribe known as Frog Indians, whose heads were flattened by Nature, as shown in newly-born children …

there was some race characteristic which gave this appearance to their heads. These heads are all the heads of priests, and therefore represented the aristocratic class.

The first illustration below is taken from a stucco relief found in a temple at Palenque, Central America. The second is from an Egyptian monument of the time of Rameses IV.

The outline drawing on the following page shows the form of the skull of the royal Inca line: the receding forehead here seems to be natural, and not the result of artificial compression.

Both illustrations at the bottom of the preceding page show the same receding form of the forehead, due to either artificial deformation of the skull or to a common race characteristic.

We must add the fact that the extraordinary practice of deforming the skull was found all over Europe and America to the catalogue of other proofs that the people of both continents were originally united in blood and race. With the couvade, the practice of circumcision, unity of religious beliefs and customs, folk-lore, and alphabetical signs, language and flood legends, we array together a mass of unanswerable proofs of prehistoric identity of race.” – Sacred Texts

In 1849 a remarkable memoir appeared from the pen of M. Rathke, showing that similar skulls had been found near Kertsch, in the Crimea, and calling attention to the book of Hippocrates, “De Aeris, Aquis et Locu,” lib. iv., and a passage of Strabo, which speaks of the practice among the Scythians. In 1854 Dr. Fitzinger published a learned memoir on the skulls of the Avars, a branch of the Uralian race of Turks. He shows that the practice of flattening the head had existed from an early date throughout the East, and described an ancient skull, greatly distorted by artificial means, which had lately been found in Lower Austria. Skulls similarly flattened have been found in Switzerland and Savoy. The Huns under Attila had the same practice of flattening the heads. Professor Anders Retzius proved (see “Smithsonian Report,” 1859) that the custom still exists in the south of France, and in parts of Turkey…”

Wikipedia‘s entry says:

In the Americas the Maya, Inca, and certain tribes of North American natives performed the custom. In North America the practice was especially known among the Chinookan tribes of the Northwest and the Choctaw of the Southeast. The Native American group known as the Flathead did not in fact practise head flattening, but were named as such in contrast to other Salishan people who used skull modification to make the head appear rounder. However, other tribes, including the Choctaw, Chehalis, and Nooksack Indians, did practise head flattening by strapping the infant’s head to a cradleboard. The Lucayan people of the Bahamas practiced it.

The practice was also known among the Australian Aborigines. The nobility of the Paracas Culture on the coast of Peru, south of the capital Lima, practiced skull binding, resulting cranial deformation. The Paracas situation is somewhat unique in that researchers Juan Navarro and Brien Foerster have found the presence of at least 5 distinct shapes of elongated skulls, each being predominant in specific cemeteries. The largest and most striking are from a site called Chongos, near the town of Pisco, north of Paracas. These skulls are called “cone heads” by many who see them, because of their literal conical appearance. Testing of these have illustrated that, on average, the cranial capacity is 1.5 liters, approximately 25% larger than contemporary skulls, and weigh as much as 60 percent more. Also, eye orbit cavities are significantly larger than contemporary skulls, and the jaws are both larger and thicker. Moreover, the presence of 2 small holes in the back of the Chongos skulls, called foramen, indicate that blood flow and perhaps nerves exited the skull at the back in order to feed the skin tissue.

Head elongation was also practiced in Oceania, especially on the islands of Vanuatu and Borneo (see also the 19th c. head-flattening board used by the Melanau, of Sarawak (Source: Pitt Rivers Museum)) Source: Head Flattening Facts .

The archaeological records show that in the Andean areas of Peru, both types of head shaping were known among men and women. This figurine is typical of the unglazed cuchimlico figures of the Chancay civilisation in the central coastal region of Peru, north of Lima, that prospered between AD 1200 and 1450. It has large ornamental earplugs and may have been dressed in rich textiles. The exact significance of the flat, bi-lobed head is unclear but since such figures were often found in graves, it is likely to have represented a particular virtue such as wisdom, beauty or godliness.– Source: Pitt Rivers Museum Body Arts | Head shaping: flattening”

Also excerpted from “Sacred Texts“:

AN examination of the American monuments shows (see figure on page 269) that the people represented were in the habit of flattening the skull by artificial means. The Greek and Roman writers had mentioned this practice, but it was long totally forgotten by the civilized world, until it was discovered, as an unheard-of wonder, to be the usage among the Carib Islanders, and several Indian tribes in North America. It was afterward found that the ancient Peruvians and Mexicans practised this art: several flattened Peruvian skulls are depicted in Morton’s “Crania Americana.” It is still in use among the Flat-head Indians of the north-western part of the United States.

 Why is or was head-flattening practised?

According to the article Head Flattening

“…there is  recorded evidence of intentional cranial deformation—a practice of intentionally changing the shape of the human skull… It is believed that cranial deformation was performed to signify group affiliation or to demonstrate social status. By changing the shape of the skull, some felt it was aesthetically more pleasing or associated with desirable attributes. For example, in the Nahai-speaking area of Tomman Island and southwestern Malekula, a person with an elongated head is thought to be more intelligent, of higher status, and closer to the world of the spirits….It is believed that cranial deformation was performed to signify group affiliation or to demonstrate social status. This possibly played a key role in Egyptian society. Both Queen Nefertiti and King Tutankhamen are often depicted with what may be an elongated skull… there are still some isolated groups in Africa and South America who continue this practice.”

African cultures reshaped the skulls of their members to increase an individual’s beauty and to improve social status. Among the people who practiced head flattening, an elongated head indicated a person’s intelligence and spirituality. The Mangbetu people of the present-day Democratic Republic of the Congo wrapped their babies’ heads with cloth to elongate their skulls. Once the desired shape became permanent, the cloth was removed, and a woven basket frame was attached to the head at an angle, and the hair was styled over the frame to exaggerate the look of elongation (source: Encyclopedia.com).

Nicolette Parr suggests that head binding may have been done for aesthetic reasons, to signify group affiliation or enhance social status.

However, of the thirteen deformed skulls discovered in 1,000-year-old Mexican cemetery (South Sonora), many of the burials “were healthy children, suggesting the process of cranial deformation may have been inept and dangerous”[see photo 2/10 in picture gallery.

The first evidence of deforming skulls was found in the northern Mexican state of Sonora when residents were digging an irrigation canal in 1999. The practice, which is well documented among Mesoamerican peoples, had never been seen this far north before.

Past Horizons suggested the practice may have been gruesome:

Of the skeletal remains of 25 individuals recovered, 17 are between 5 months and 16 years and 8 are adults. The researcher noted that the number of infants and pre-pubescents identified in the cemetery may be an indicator of poor practice in regards to cranial deformation and death likely was caused by excessive force while squeezing the skull. This she said, is derived from studies conducted on the remains and the results did not show any apparent diseases that could have caused death. [Read more about this remarkable discovery at Past Horizons.]

We would like to note that one of the best-ever documented sources and insights on cranial deformation is actually to be found in the old 1931 writings of  Eric John Dingwell’s “Artificial Cranial Deformation: A Contribution to the Study of Ethnic Mutilations“. Here below we summarize his observations and findings in Chapter III specific to Asia. Omitting the examples mentioned only from art, portraits or sculpture, Dingwell writing in 1931 did an amazing job of documenting instances of artificial cranial deformation in Asia. Practices of cradle boarding, use of moulds, stones, head massaging to induce cranial deformation were, according to Dingwell, found:

  • In Kingdom of Kucha, at Kashgar
  • Among the Hepthalites [or Epthalites in his writings], the White Huns
  • Among the Sarts, and the Uzbeks
Reports of head flattening were reported among the:
  • Armenians of Kurdistan (40%), Kurds of Ararat, Armenia (75%)
  • Ansariyeh in Lebanon
  • Juruks, a Turkoman nomadic tribe of Anatolia
  • Bakhtayans (considered native Persians), a Lurish Bakhtiari tribe, Iran, [nomadic peoples today primarily inhabiting Chahar Mahaal and Bakhtiari and Eastern Khuzestan, Lorestan and Isfahan.]  The Bakhtiari consider themselves to be descendants of Fereydun, a legendary hero from the Persian national epic, Shahnameh.
  • Persians * Note: “Choresmiens” were reported as flattening the heads of the infants only in order to trick the Persians into not taking their babies as slaves.[Khwarezm (Chorasmia), centered in the lower Amu Darya south of the Aral Sea (the northern part of the modern Republic of Uzbekistan, and the adjacent areas of Turkmenistan].
Deformed skulls were found:
  • Among the Nosairis, Druzes, the Marotes, the Melkites (the Lebanon-Syria-Palestine region)
  • At the Smryna Greek settlement of Anatolia
  • Among the Mediterraneans Cyprus, Crete, Sidon, Tyre (among the ancient cemeteries of the Phoenicians)
  • In Crimea, in the tombs of the Caucasus
In South Asia and Eurasia, Dingwell recorded cranial deformation evidence among:
  • The White Huns# from Sakala (Sialkot, located in the north-east of the Punjab province in Pakistan) which was the capital city of Mihirakula Hepthalite king. [# Known to the Greeks as Ephthalite to the Indians as Sveta Huna ("white Huns"), they were called the "White Huns", Chionite to the Armenians as Haital, and to the Persians and Arabs as Haytal or Hayatila ...possible origin of Hata and Hayato clans in Japan?. The Hepthalite Empire was at the height of its power (in the first half of the 6th century), was located in the territories of present-day Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Pakistan, India and China. The stronghold of the Hephthalite power was Tokharistan on the northern slopes of the Hindu Kush mountains, present-day northeastern Afghanistan. By 479, the Hephthalites had conquered Sogdiana and driven the Kidarites westwards, and by 493 they had captured areas of present-day northwestern China (Dzungaria and the Tarim Basin). The Hephthalites invaded India for the first time in the 5th century]
  • Brahui and Baloch people and by the Jats peoples of North India and Pakistan (in Kachi, Bela and Sibi in Pakistan, a cloth bandage was tied around the head, and the head managed massaged by the sole of the mother’s foot)
  • Among the Multan, Afghanistan
  • Among the people of Orissa, Oraon of Bengal
  • Among the Nicobarese
Cranial deformation was observed in Lower Burma, among the Arakan people but not among the Rohtuck of Punjab or in Siam and Annam.
In East Asia, cranial deformation practices were documented among:
  • The Khalkhas, Mongols
  • The Manchus, north of Korea (said to be fugitives from further north) practised cranial deformation
  • In China: among the Ba tribes [Bak Sing], in Southeast Hunan and Shansi, in Northwest Chinese, and cranial deformation was said to have been practised in South China until 9th c.See also Edward Lerner, “the mutilations the Chinese were in the habit of inflicting were but few. They flattened the skulls of their babies by means of stones, so as to p. 39 cause them to taper at the top..” and on the Akkadian-Chinese connection, see Lacouperie, Ballon on the western origins of the Chinese language
  • Among the servant-class only of the immigrant Hainam population in the Malay states

Of particular interest to us here, are Dingwell’s writings on Korea:

“After the fall of the Qin [Tsin] dynasty it seems that part of the population of Hunan and Shansi fled to south-east Korea and settled in Samhan [Shin-han]. in the records of the Han dynasty and afterwards mention is made of these people and it is said that they flattened the heads of their children with stones and that this practice was confined to the male sex. If a boy is born in Samhan [Shin-han], so the saying is reported, then his head must be pressed with a stone because it must be flat, and so all the men in Samhan[Shin-han] have flat heads. A smililar practice was said to be carried out in ther parts of Korea. The origin of this custom may perhaps be found, as Terrien de Lacouperie is inclined to believe, in an attempt to imitate the form of head found in some ruling family, and as we proceed, further evidence may emerge which probably supports this view”

Dingwell also writes there were reports written that the transverse groove upon the Ainu skull said to be caused by the carrying of heavy burdens suspended from a strap passing over the forehead, but that the evidence on cranial deformation among the Ainu, Kamchadal and Chukchee was ambiguous and inconclusive of cranial deformation.
Noting that “The custom spread eastwards in the Dutch East Indies, Melanesia and Polynesia and lost itself finally in Australia and New Zealand, reappearing in the vast continent of America”, Dingwell concluded that “It would seem possible that the origin of the custom may be sought either in the home land of the nomadic peoples of Turkestan and the Trans-Caspian Provinces or in the area now roughly defined as Turkey in Asia. The evidence from India and China would, I think, suggest that the custom may have originally been connected with ruling families, and possibly the idea spread from the fact the common people imitated a royal or aristocratic privilege.”
It would seem as the nomadic peoples of Turkic or West Eurasian lineages radiated outwards, the further East they went, the greater the incidence in which the head-flattening or head-binding practices became lost. Some possible explanations for the fact that almost no cranial deformation has hitherto been found in Japan (barring Tanegashima Island), are that the influx of Korean immigrants has not been as large as popularly believed, OR that immigrants who arrived in Japan from the continent and Korean peninsula were mostly of Chinese commandery lineages that had already abandoned the custom, and/or that the Koreanic lineages emerged in Japan at such a late stage where head binding/flattening customs in East Asia had already been abandoned.

Further reading:

Suzuki, H., Y. Mizoguchi, and E. Conese, 1993. Craniofacial measurement of artificially deformed skulls from the Philippines. Anthropological Science, 101: 111-127

Kato, Katsumoto, et al., Incidence of nonmetric cranial traits in the Pre-Columbian series of the Chancay site, Peru Anthropol. Sci. 103(2), 115-116, 1995

Childress DH, Foerster B. “The Enigma of Cranial Deformation: Elongated Skulls of the Ancients”. Kempton, IL: Adventures Unlimited Press; 2012.

Gerszten PC, Gerszten E. Intentional cranial deformation: a disappearing form of self-mutilation. Neurosurgery. 1995;37(3):374-382.

“Head Flattening.” Fashion, Costume, and Culture: Clothing, Headwear, Body Decorations, and Footwear through the Ages. 2004. Retrieved January 18, 2013 from Encyclopedia.com

Parr, Nicolette, Cranial deformation” Intentional Cultural Modifications to the Skeleton ANT 4468 Health and Disease in Human Evolution

Artificial cranial deformation Wikipedia

Brown, P., and Y. Mizoguchi, 2011. Identifying the influence of artificial neurocranial deformation on craniofacial dimensions. Bulletin of the National Museum of Nature and Science, Series D, 37: 1-33

Amit Ayer et al. The Sociopolitical History and Physiological Underpinnings of Skull Deformation (Medscape)

Deformed skulls discovered in 1,000-year-old Mexican cemetery by Nicolette Parr

Ram’s horns motif on painted tomb murals of western Japan points to the identity of the immigrant groups from the continent

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Painted tomb mural, Mezurashiizuka tomb, Fukuoka

Painted tomb mural, Mezurashiizuka tomb, Fukuoka (Photo: Wikimedia Commons)

A distinctive spiral form motif appears on the painted mural walls of tombs in Western Japan of the Kofun Period. Depicted in the photo of the tomb mural above, the “ram’s horn” symbol appears as a herald banner on a funerary “Boat of the Underworld” scene (a fairly universal motif and belief in ancient times).

Thought locally to represent warabi fernfronds, they are actually recognizable tamgas and cultural motifs from specific Turkic clans of (Karakalpak, Kazakh, Qipchak) Central Asia, known as rams’ horns, though they have become common rug motifs today seen along the migration trail blazed by the Turkic tribes through lands in antiquity times.

A closeup section of the Ozuka tumulus shows the repetitive motif of the ram's horn in an animalistic context rather than vegetative one

A closeup section of the Ozuka tumulus (Fukuoka, Kyushu) shows the repetitive motif of the ram’s horn in an animalistic context rather than vegetative one

The marked appearance of the ram’s horns pattern raises the intriguing and strong suggestion of the arrival of certain ancestral Turkic lineages in Japan. This is especially distinctive in the light of the total absence of sheep and rams as an animal species in the Japanese archipelago.

The ram's horn motif on a 5th c. Armour, 国立中央博物館 suggests a male virility and valour motif

The ram’s horn motif on a 5th c. Armour ( 国立中央博物館) suggests a male virility and valour motif. The artefact is thought to be associated closely with the Korean Kaya confederation of tribes, some of which may thus have been of  Turkic lineages

On ram’s horn symbolism in Central Asia, the Azerbaijan Rug Project reported:

“THE ORIGIN OF THE DESIGN

The motifs of this type of rugs have pre-Islamic Turkic totemic sources. Many geometric devices used in Oysuzlu type of rugs can be found commonly in rugs of Turkic speaking people of Central Asia: Turkmen, Kyrghyz, Kazak* and Karakalpak.

Although the design is attributed to Oysuzlu by L. Kerimov, it is almost certainly known that the rugs with this specific design were produced in the villages of Lowland Bordjalou Region, not in Oysuzlu village of Tovuz District (Kazak Region). The main feature of this design is having two interlocked grounds in the central field: the green and red areas in this example (background vs. foreground).

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The composition of the central field consists of the three hooked medallions and half hook-rimmed lozenges on the sides of the central field aligned on the vertical axis.

Rams' horn and cruciform motif

Rams’ horn and cruciform motif

The cruciform device inside the ketebe of the central medallion is often found in Kazak, Ganja, Bordjalou and even in some Kuba rugs in different forms. The device basically consists of a cross with the four ends of which terminate in a pair of horns. Here are the same type of hooked devices in various shapes used in so called “Sewan” rugs.

What does this motif represent for? It could well be representing a tamga – a mark used mainly by Turkic people representing an emblem of a particular tribe or a clan. They used tamgas to identify property or cattle belonging to a specific Turkic clan, usually as a stamp. Some tribes, like the Ak Koyunlu (White Sheep), put their tamga on their flags and stamped their coinage with it.

The Karakalpak Kochot Pattern

A considerable number of Kyrgyz and Kazak rugs contain a motif frequently described as Karakalpak kochot. The similarity of the Karakalpak kochot and Borchaly/Oysuzlu device is clear. Karakalpak kochot also consists of a cross, the four ends of which terminate in a pair of horns. A very similar motif occurs in the embroidery of the Karakalpaks of the Aral delta (especially on the top of skull caps). In fact, this motif can be found in the applied art works of all Turkic People, from Central Asia to Iran, from Caucasia to Anatolia:

Karakalpak kolchot

Karakalpak kolchot

Koch or Kosh (qošqar) means a ram in all Turkic languages. As the name of this motif in Kyrgyz and Karakalpak is related to a ram, this suggests us the motif could be representing ram’s horn.

The hooked gül /inner medallion which is containing the ketebe and the cruciform device can be related to the early Central Asian forms and a number of Turkish rugs from Anatolia.”

*Kazakh or Qazakh: They are considered as a subtribe of Kypchak. The subgroups of Kazakh are Salahli, Kesemen, Poylu, Demirchiler etc.

Source: Some notes on the so-called ‘Oysuzlu’ design

Although these motifs are most associated with Kazakh-Turkic-Qipchak peoples today, they were also seen as tamgas belonging to the Sarmatians of the 1st c.-mid 2nd c. AD. (See The Tamgas Were Marks of Identification of the Hungarian Tribes and of their Religion (Michelangelo.cn).

The immigrants buried in the Fukuoka tombs may have have a mixed Iranic(Sarmatian)-Turkic tribe (see Dybo on early Turkic contacts). Cockerel standards, terracotta and metallurgy motifs also proliferate from the 3rd c. tumulus mounds onwards, the cock is a well-known known Sarmatian standard and tamgas symbol. The ram’s horn has been adopted as a symbol on the flag of the Crimean Tartars, an ethnic native Turkic group who arrived in the Crimea in thr 15th c.

The Metal Age nomadic tomb and warrior armour technology point to Eurasia as a source of the Mezurashii tomb “Solar Boat of the Underworld”, however, the close resemblance of the Austronesian motif of their ubiquitous “Spirit Boats”  on the Mannungul jar and on the Austronesian boat-houses leaves a perplexing question as to how and where the two cultures may have intermingled and adopted the same cosmology of the Underworld. See the Mananggul jar from the Philippines in the photo below, which carries both the spiral motif and “Spirit Boat” motif in the same combination as that of the Fukuoka tombs, minus the (West Asian-Egyptian) solar imagery. image

Genetics research suggests that the roots of the Austronesians lie in the zone of South China, Southeast China and (Kampuansai et al.,; Min-Sheng Peng et al. etc., scroll down to the bottom of this page for links to articles on Austronesian origins). The spirit boat cosmology appears to be shared by the haplogroup O tree from the earliest subclades. More research needs to be conducted on the early interactions between the Eurasians and the Austronesians/Austric peoples and on the diffusion of the shared ideas and technologies.

 

Further reading:

The tamga by Richard Wright

Tamgas and runes, magic numbers and magic symbols, by H Nickel

Color Appearance Recognition of Mural in the Ozuka Tumulus in Sunlight and Taper Light (Masuda et al.) a joint report of the University of Tokyo, Kyushu National Museum, National Research Institute for Cultural Properties

Sacred ram and the significance of the discovery of the 9000-year old ritual ram-arte by Niccolo Manassero

Chronology of the Turkic languages and linguistic contacts of the early Turks

Exploring the River of the Dead … (Heritage of Japan)

The Mannungul Jar as History Genetic history of Southeast Asian populations as revealed by ancient and modern human mitochondrial DNA analysis. Am J Phys Anthropol. 2008 Dec;137(4):425-40. doi: 10.1002/ajpa.20884

Insight into the Peopling of Southeast Asia from the Thai Population Genetic  Structure

Min-Sheng Peng, Tracing the Austronesian Footprint in Mainland Southeast Asia: A Perspective from Mitochondrial DNA

Kampuansai, Jatupol et al., Mitochondrial DNA variation of Thai-speaking populations in northern Thailand


NHK World: A late 6th c. pyramid newly uncovered at Asuka, Nara, may belong to Soga no Iname

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Reconstructed scene of what the Miyako-zuka pyramid looked like

Reconstructed scene of what the Miyako-zuka pyramid looked like

A pyramid has been uncovered by archaeologists at Asuka, Nara, NHK World news announced his evening.

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Pyramids, though not unknown in Japan, are very rare. The Zuto and Doto pagoda pyramids also in Nara are from the 8th century, but this newly discovered pyramid, is believed to be from the latter part of the 6th century (and contemporaneous with the reign of Prince Shotoku).

Miyakozuka pyramid site

Miyakozuka pyramid site

Located in Asuka village, a village already well known for its many unusual megalithic discoveries, this pyramid is located at Miyako-zuka only 400 metres away from the Ishibutai tomb.

Ishibutai tomb's occupant is thought to be related that of the Miyako-zuka tomb

Ishibutai tomb’s occupant is thought to be related that of the Miyako-zuka tomb

The Ishibutai tomb thought to be the tomb of the Soga no Umako, a powerful minister of the imperial court and leader of the ruling clan of the Yamato state. Miyako-zuka is believed to pre-date the Ishibutai tomb.

Experts believe the pyramid likely belonged to the father of Soga no Umako. Soga no Iname (蘇我 稲目, 506 – March 22, 570). Soga no Iname was a leader of the Soga clan and a statesman during the reign of Emperor Kimmei in the Asuka period. He was the first person to hold the position of Ōomi that can be verified with reasonable accuracy, in 536 AD.

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Pyramids, the closest ones in proximity to Japan’s, are found in Jilin (modern-day China) which belonged to the Korean Kingdom of Koguryo (in yellow above)

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According to the experts, based on a reading of the text of the ancient Nihon Shoki (see photos above) Soga no Iname is the most likely candidate for the occupant of the pyramid tomb, and because his two wives are known to have been from the Koguryo Kingdom,  this provides a strong reason why the pyramidal tomb design of Koguryo would have been introduced at this time.

Update from Jiji Press via The Yomiuri Shimbun, 15th Aug, 2014

6th century tomb likely step pyramid in shape

NARA (Jiji Press)—A large ancient rectangular tomb in the village of Asuka in Nara Prefecture may have had a rare pyramid shape, according to a group of archeologists.

The Miyakozuka tomb is believed to have been built in the latter half of the sixth century.

It was likely a step pyramid made of multiple stone layers, experts at the municipal education board and Kansai University’s Archaeological Research Institute said Wednesday.

The tomb may have been influenced by ancient tumuli built near the border between China and North Korea given its similar structure, according to the experts.

It is thought that Soga no Iname, a Yamato Dynasty leader who died in 570, was buried in the tomb. He is known to have had close links with people from China and the Korean Peninsula who immigrated to Japan.

After excavating the mound and surrounding areas of the Miyakozuka tomb, the group of archeologists found stair-like architectural remains at three locations.

Four layers of stones were found at one location, and one layer was discovered at each of the two other locations.

Based on the findings, the group said it believes the tomb had a pyramid-like structure with seven or eight stone layers.

The mound is estimated to have been at least 4.5 meters high on the east side and 7 meters high on the west, with each side being more than 40 meters long.

Soga no Iname is known to have had strong ties to Koguryo as he is believed to have had two wives from the ancient Korean kingdom.

The village of Asuka is known for many megalithic discoveries. They include the Ishibutai tomb believed to have been built in the seventh century for Soga no Umako, son of Iname, who died in 626.

Clay pots and ironware were unearthed from the Miyakozuka tomb in a survey started in 1967 by the Kansai University research institute and others. But the size of the mound, its structure and other details remained unknown.


Japan’s oldest shell tools found in Sakitari Cave in Okinawa

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The shell tools (from front) and beads made of shells found in the Sakitari Cave. At the Okinawa Prefectural Museum & Art Museum in Naha on February 15.

The shell tools (from front) and beads made of shells found in the Sakitari Cave. At the Okinawa Prefectural Museum & Art Museum in Naha on February 15.

 

February 16, 2014 Ryukyu Shimpo

The Okinawa Prefectural Museum & Art Museum announced on February 15 that archaeologists have unearthed 39 items of shell tools, accessories and human bones in the Sakitari Cave in Nanjo City.

Carbon dating of charcoal from the same formation suggests that the remains date back 20,000 to 23,000 years, making them from the Upper Paleolithic age.
Researchers have unearthed shell tools dating back 2,000 to 10,000 years (the Jomon Period), but this is the first time in Japan that they have found the tools at the site from the Paleolithic Age.

It is possible that the Minatogawa people, the prehistoric people of Okinawa who lived about 18,000 years ago, used the tools. A representative of the museum said, “The findings are important to clarify Paleolithic culture. This is a rare find anywhere in the world.”

The location of Sakitari Cave

The location of Sakitari Cave

According to the museum, the researchers unearthed 23 items of fragments of bivalve shells. The edged shells indicate that they were used to cut and scrape things. The researchers recognized tiny wounds caused by their use. The museum sees the tools as having been used for cutting cooking ingredients and manufacturing.
The researchers found two accessories made of tusk shell fragments. There were about 1.5 centimeters long in a cylindrical shape and appear to be beads.
They found a human tooth, a foot bone and crab claws, burned earth from the same formation.

On February 15, the museum opened the site to the press and explained the items were unearthed from the black geological formation that contained many carbides.
Shinji Yamasaki, a curator with the museum, said, “We think that people used to live around the site.” He went on to say, “Although the tools made of stone and bone in Paleolithic Age were not new experts, this is the first time that researchers have found the shell tools in this age. The findings will help clarify the culture of the Minatogawa people.”

The museum plans to display the items to the public from February 18 to March 16.
Excavation in the Sakitari Cave, which began in 2009, found human remains and stone artifacts dating back 12,000 years and earthenware dating back 9,000 years.
There is a possibility that the researchers will find items from older ages. The museum plans to continue researching in 2014.

Glossary: Sakitari Cave
A cave site in Nanjo City. The Okinawa Prefectural Museum & Art Museum started researching the site in 2009. The researchers found human remains and stone artifacts dating back 14,000 years. They also found the oldest piece of Okinawan earthenware with the Oshibiki pattern from 9,000 years ago.
The researchers expect further findings from older formation.



Bold new 2014 DNA study proposes when and where the three major populations of Africa, Europe and East Asians diverged and suggests why the Ainu look like Europeans

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The traditional view that humans fall into three major populations, Africans, East Asians, and Europeans, with the latter two diverging from the African ancestors ∼55,000 years ago, has been re-examined by a group of researchers, who have come to a bold and different conclusion — and who have put forward a new view that East Asians diverged from Africans first, and that only later did the Europeans diverge from the East European grouping.

The study also proposes a new theory of origins of the Ainu. The long-debated and mystifying European appearance of the Ainu people is explained, as congruent with the idea that the Ainu people emerged at the point of time when Europeans were beginning to diverge from East Asians.

The results of the research has just been published in the Genome Biology and Evolution Journal, entitled “Divergence of East Asians and Europeans Estimated Using Male- and Female-Specific Genetic Markers” by Yoshio TATENO et al. Genome Biol Evol (2014) 6 (3): 466-473. doi: 10.1093/gbe/evu027

Excerpted from the paper:

“We sequenced Y-STR makers in Y chromosome and collected complete mtDNAs for many East Asian and European individuals to reexamine that view” … “focused on the divergence of three major populations — Africans, Europeans, and East Asians—and East Asians and Europeans in particular, because they lived together for a while after coming out of Africa and likely interbred, perhaps similar to the hybridizations reported between Neanderthals and modern humans (Noonan 2006). After the divergence between Mongoloid (East Asian) and Caucasoid (European) people ~55,000 years ago (Nei and Roychoudhury 1993), they might have still interbred while en route to settlement in their present localities…”

“For the male lineages, we used the Y-STR markers for 453 individuals covering Japanese, Korean, Mongolian (Khalkh), American, and European people. We determined the evolutionary distances (RST) among them, and constructed a phylogenetic tree using the NJ method (Saitou and Nei 1987), as shown in figure 1. The Y-STR tree revealed that the male ancestral lineage contained two clades (Yap-A and Yap-B). While Yap-A clade includes the East Asian individuals only, Yap-B clade contains the East Asian and European individuals together. Surprisingly, the European males never formed an independent clade. Instead, they formed separate clades within Yap-B.”

Fig. 1

Fig. 1

” We then constructed a phylogenetic tree (Mt tree) for the 72 complete mtDNAs including the four ethnic groups, as shown in figure 2. We used Kimura’s two parameter method (Kimura 1980) for computing evolutionary distances among them and the NJ method for the tree construction. The Mt tree revealed two female descendant clades (Mt A and Mt B). Mt B consisted of the East Asian females only, while Mt A contained the East Asian and European females together. As in the case of males, the European females did not form an independent clade, but comprised several groups within the Mt A tree. As the Mt A cluster includes roughly as many European individuals as East Asian individuals, it is not clear which of them is ancestral to the other. The node marked with the blue circle in figure 2 suggests that the East Asians are ancestral to the Europeans. The bootstrap value of the node is 99%. Therefore, both male and female lineages suggest that Europeans diverged from within East Asian ancestors or that they interbred with East Asian individuals up to a certain divergence time.

Fig. 2

Fig. 2

Our next question was thus to estimate the divergence time of the European clade within the East Asian lineage, for males and females separately. To address that question, we computed the evolutionary distance (RST) between every pair of the male individuals to construct the Y-STR tree in figure 1. The researchers’ conclusion was that “the divergence time of the European males is ∼40,100 years ago” while they “estimated the divergence time of the European females, as ∼41,500 years ago.”

Our results suggest that the European people settled down in their territories ∼41,000 year ago, and have developed their own cultures and languages since then.

On the other hand, the East Asians were classified into two clusters; one is Type 1 East Asians denoted as Yap-A [this is the grouping that carries C,D hgs and YAP+ genes, i.e. the Jomon and Ainu ancestral line] and Mt B clusters in the male and female trees, respectively, and the other is Type 2 East Asians denoted as Yap-B and Mt A clusters in the male and female trees, respectively.

While Type 1 includes East Asian individuals only, Type 2 contains East Asians and European individuals together.

FIG. 4.— The general view of the East Asian and European divergences is summarized in figure 4.

Fig. 4

Fig. 4

Fig. 4 Phlyogenetic tree of the major human populations Africans, Type 1 East Asians, Europeans and Type 2 East Asians

Both the Y-STR and mtDNA trees consistently show that Europeans diverged from East Asian ancestors ∼41,000 years ago.”

Dealing with the question of differences in facial morphology and phenotypes, the paper proposed:

“Population genetic theory indicates that 41,000 years, or about 2,000 generations, are long enough to accumulate SNPs in the same loci in each lineage (Kimura 1983; Nei 1987) to account for the present genetic and phenotypic differences between the East Asians and Europeans, but too short to acquire independent loci between them. Recently, Liu (2012) reported on five genes responsible for the facial morphology of European people. The East Asian people must have the counterparts that differ at the SNP level from those in the European people. As our phylogenetic trees demonstrate, the European alleles at the five loci have diverged from the ancestral East Asian alleles.

Our result contrasts with the traditional view that Europeans and East Asians simultaneously diverged from African ancestors 55,000 years ago. It is noteworthy, however, that Shinoda (2007) investigated into the haplogroups of mtDNA, and revealed a number of evolutionary haplotype lineages. The lineages include L3 (African), N (East Asian), W (European), and L3 to N to R (East Asian) and then HV (European) among others. Though they did not explain their results, their haplotype lineages can now be understood by our finding that the Europeans diverged from the East Asians. Therefore, the discrepancy between the traditional view and ours lies mainly in that the traditional view was based on autosomal genes that evolved much slower than Y-STR or mtDNA, and could not distinguish the evolutionary lineages at the individual level. Note that, as estimated earlier, the evolutionary rate of mtDNA is 2.4 × 10−8 per site per year, while that of nuclear neutral sequences is 2.0 × 10−9 per site per year (Fukami Kobayashi 2005). The discrepancy also is due to the fact that while we dealt with many male and female individuals in our study, the other studies did not.

Our result contrasts with the traditional view that Europeans and East Asians simultaneously diverged from African ancestors 55,000 years ago. It is noteworthy, however, that Shinoda (2007) investigated into the haplogroups of mtDNA, and revealed a number of evolutionary haplotype lineages. The lineages include L3 (African), N (East Asian), W (European), and L3 to N to R (East Asian) and then HV (European) among others. Though they did not explain their results, their haplotype lineages can now be understood by our finding that the Europeans diverged from the East Asians. Therefore, the discrepancy between the traditional view and ours lies mainly in that the traditional view was based on autosomal genes that evolved much slower than Y-STR or mtDNA, and could not distinguish the evolutionary lineages at the individual level.

… according to the classification agreed at the Y Chromosome Consortium (2002) and elsewhere (Karafet et al. 2008), we found that all individuals in the Yap-B1 in figure 1 belonged to either haplogroup C or D, while the majority in the Yap- B2 belonged to haplogroup O. Since Yap-B1 includes mainly Japanese and Korean males, in which 91% individuals share haplotype O2b, the Korean and Japanese males are definitely closest to one another within East Asian humans. We also found a high frequency of the O2b haplotype in Manchu (Northern China) and Korean-Chinese samples (Katoh et al. 2005b; Kim et al. 2011).
The origin of the Ainu people is still an unresolved issue (Tajima et al. 2004). On the basis of our results, we propose a possible scenario for the origin of the Ainu people, who now live in the north-most island of the Japanese archipelago, Hokkaido. The Ainu people have European phenotypic characters, but they are genetically closer to East Asians than to Europeans (Watanabe 1975). These contradictory features of the Ainu people are puzzling. As shown in figure 4, Europeans may have diverged from East Asians ∼41,000 years ago, it is possible that hybrid individuals were born before the divergence, and some of them looked more like the Europeans while possessing a generally East Asian genotype. We suggest that the ancestor of the Ainu people was such a group of the hybrid individuals. We note that the present Ainu people share the mtDNA haplotype not with the Japanese but with the European living in Siberia, Russia (Adachi et al. 2009). Thus, we furthermore suggest that the ancestor of the Ainu originated in northern Eurasia and took a route through Siberia and north China before settling in northern regions of Japan and nearby places. There is a report that other people than the Ainu also lived in the northern regions but disappeared (Adachi et al. 2009). As the people in Okinawa islands are closest to the Ainu people in the East Asians (Jinam et al. 2012), they might also be descendants from of mixing of East Asian and European lineages.

Conclusion:
Phylogenetic trees of Y-STR makers and Mt genes suggest that the Europeans interbred with East Asians until ∼41,000 years ago. On the other hand, East Asians diverged from their African ancestors ∼55,000 years ago. Therefore, we suggest that the European and East Asian lineages diverged ∼41,000 years ago.

***

What are the implications for Japanese settlement and migrational history theory:

To recap, this is what we can glean from this study with respect to the populating of Japan.

- East Asians diverged from their African ancestors ∼55,000 years ago –>

Earliest East Asian grouping

YAP-A   which is made up of C, D and YAP+ hgs. This group comprises mainly of Khalkh Mongolians and predominantly Japanese (all arching Japanese grouping, note: ancestral lineages Jomon, Ainu showed highest frequencies of YAP+, but a significant component of the lineages of the modern Japanese population today still carry a strong signal of the ancient YAP+ gene. YAP+ is an ancient Out-of-Africa marker – borne only by group), Koreans and Europeans in somewhat more miniscule numbers. (This is presumably is the oldest Out-of-Africa grouping, because it includes YAP+ genes.)

The study proposes that Ainu arose out of hybrid individuals were born before the divergence of Europeans from East Asians ∼41,000 years ago, and some of whom looked more like the Europeans while possessing a generally East Asian genotype may have diverged. The ancestor of the Ainu originated in northern Eurasia and took a route through Siberia and north China before settling in northern regions of Japan and nearby places.

The study also proposes that the people in Okinawa islands being closest to the Ainu people in the East Asians (Jinam et al. 2012),were likely descendants from of mixing of East Asian and European lineages.

According to the study, the Y-STR tree (focusing on male lineages comprising Japanese, Korean, Mongolian (Khalkh), American, and European people only), revealed that the male ancestral lineage contained two clades (Yap-A and Yap-B). While Yap-A clade includes the East Asian individuals only, Yap-B clade contains the East Asian and European individuals together.

- East Asian and European groups diverge at around 41,000 ya

in the East Asian-only group – Yap-B1 in figure 1 belonged to either haplogroup C or D [Other studies have proposed that C and D lineages are the earliest or among the earliest groups to settle East Asia.  Hg C is thought to have come from a southerly possibly coastal origin, while D from a either a southerly or southwesterly direction]  However, since Yap-B1 includes mainly Japanese and Korean males, in which 91% individuals share haplotype O2b, the Korean and Japanese males are definitely closest to one another within East Asian humans (a high frequency of the O2b haplotype also found in Manchu (Northern China) and Korean-Chinese samples).

- The branching of NO – and the branching of Y-DNA O into subclades on the continent is a highly complex picture and the roots of the tree only beginning to be understood.  According to the study the majority of Yap- B2 belonged to haplogroup O.  The European males never formed an independent clade. Instead, they formed separate clades within Yap-B.

A few points I wish to make here:

Given that the study’s groupings of Yap A and YAP B1 and B2 groups involve the haplogroups C, D and O, it is surprising that the paper does not cite or try to reconcile the results of important studies that have proposed the origins and migrational paths for these groups.  For example,

Abstract: “…our detailed analysis of hg N suggests that its high frequency in east Europe is due to its more recent expansion westward on a counter-clock northern route from inner Asia/southern Siberia, approximately 12–14 ky ago. The widespread presence of hg N in Siberia, together with its absence in Native Americans, implies its spread happened after the founder event for the Americas. The most frequent subclade N3, arose probably in the region of present day China, and subsequently experienced serial bottlenecks in Siberia and secondary expansions in eastern Europe. Another branch, N2, forms two distinctive subclusters of STR haplotypes, Asian (N2-A) and European (N2-E), the latter now mostly distributed in Finno-Ugric and related populations. These phylogeographic patterns provide evidence consistent with male-mediated counter-clockwise late Pleistocene–Holocene migratory trajectories toward Northwestern Europe from an ancestral East Asian source of Paleolithic heritage.”

Excerpts from the body of the paper:

” … the spatial distributions for ancestral paragroup NO-M214*, paragroup N-M231* and the prevalent hg O-M175 (Figure 2a, c, d) are generally congruent and highlight Southeast Asia as the most parsimonious source region of these clades. The spread pattern of paragroup NO*approximates the same regions of Southeast Asia as paragroup N*, although being present at an even lower frequency compared with N*18, 19 (data from Kayser et al19 updated in present study). More notable, however, is the fact that the spatial dynamics of the whole N and O haplogroups greatly differ from each other. The split between N* and O is dated to 34.6plusminus4.7 thousand years (ky). The age of STR variation of hg O in Southeast Asia probably exceeds 26 ky,10 and its numerous subclades currently predominate in southern and southeastern Asia extending into northern China, Manchuria and some Siberian populations,7, 9, 11,20, 21 as well as westward to the eastern sector of the Indian subcontinent10 and eastward to Oceania.

The phylogeography of the NO* and N* lineages (Figure 2a, d) and the presence of N* chromosomes in southern East Asia (South China and Cambodia, see Supplementary Table 1) suggests that this region could be the source of the initial spread of hg N. In this scenario, the Altay/Sayan/southern Siberia region might have been a place of transition of hg N westward as all major subclades of hg N are still to be found there. …

In summary, Y chromosome haplogroup N presents a case of gene flow to eastern Europe that has its likely ultimate source in east Asia.”

See also the other paper by SHi H, et al, “Genetic Evidence of an East Asian Origin and Paleolithic Northward Migration of Y-chromosome Haplogroup N” and also  Austro-Asiatic Tribes of Northeast India Provide Hitherto Missing Genetic Link between South and Southeast Asia Mohan Reddy et al., PLoS ONE. 2007; 2(11): e1141. 2007 (alternative theory for the origin of O-M95 in the Austro-Asiatic tribes of N-E India.

***

The 2014 paper in ignoring the aforementioned research papers leaves hanging other fundamental questions: Before East Asia, what was the route taken out of Africa of all these founding haplogroups – a southern one or northern one, single migration route or multiple (See Single, Rapid Coastal Settlement of Asia Revealed by Analysis of Complete Mitochondrial Genomes, Vincent Macaulay et al.,  Science 13 May 2005: Vol. 308 no. 5724 pp. 1034-1036DOI:10.1126/science.1109792; ; Extended Y chromosome investigation suggests postglacial migrations of modern humans into East Asia via the northern route. Zhong H, et al. Mol Biol Evol. 2011 Jan;28(1):717-27.

Finally, the Japanese samples are classified broadly as Japanese samples (but Ainu and Okinawan and ancient Jomon DNA, are usually differentiated from modern Honshu Japanese samples, here it is all lumped here into one great grouping). Would the study’s results have showed a vastly different picture had they tested against specific samples of Ainu, ancient Jomon (different locations in Japan), as well as against against different continental populations of Altai-Buryat Mongols, Tibetans, Tungusic-Amur or Nikhs peoples, Yakuts, Evenkhs, Kazakhs???

See also:

DNA analyses and inferred genetic origins of the Ainu

Making sense of DNA data and the origins of the Japanese

YAP-positive element in the Y-chromosomes of the Ainu people


Study Reveals DNA Links Between Ancient Peruvians, Japanese

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Aug 17, 2014 Latin American Herald Tribune reports…

LIMA — A study has revealed genetic links between people who inhabited northern Peru more than 1,000 years ago and Japanese, El Comercio newspaper reported Thursday.

Japanese physical anthropologist Ken-ichi Shinoda performed DNA tests on the remains of human bodies found in the East Tomb and West Tomb in the Bosque de Pomas Historical Sanctuary, which are part of the Sican Culture Archaeological Project, funded by Japan’s government.

The director of the Sican National Museum, Carlos Elera, told the daily that Shinoda found that people who lived more than 1,000 years ago in what today is the Lambayeque region, about 800 kilometers (500 miles) north of Lima, had genetic links to the comtemporaneous populations of Ecuador, Colombia, Siberia, Taiwan and to the Ainu people of northern Japan.

The studies will be continued on descendents of the Mochica culture, from the same region, who are currently working on the Sican Project and with people who live in the vicinity of the Bosque de Pomac Historical Sanctuary.

Peruvian archaeologist Luis Chero told El Comercio that “currently, the DNA results have great value because they can be understood to show that there were people who arrived in these zones from Asia and who then converted these zones into the great culture of the New World.”

The results of the studies will be presented at an exhibit on the Sican culture that will be set up for a year at the Tokyo Museum of Science and Nature.

Also to be displayed at that exhibit will be gold, silver and copper jewelry found in the tombs of the ancient Sican rulers and priests.


Around 500 confirmed sunken shipwreck sites in Japanese waters lack funding for underwater archaeological survey and research work

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13th c. Mongol shipwreck found off Japanese waters (Photo: The Telegraph)

13th c. Mongol shipwreck found off Japanese waters (Photo: The Telegraph)

What historical secrets lie hidden within sunken ships around japan?

The Yomiuri Shimbun Aug 25, 2014

Surveying and exploring sunken ships on the seafloor off Japan’s coasts could reveal new historical facts and information. We think more efforts should be made to research such underwater wrecks and sites.

About 500 such sites have been confirmed in Japanese waters.

On the seabed off Matsuura, Nagasaki Prefecture, lie the remains of a military vessel thought to have sunk during the Mongolian invasions of Japan in the 13th century. It was discovered three years ago by a research group from the University of the Ryukyus. Items including spherical fragmentation bombs, which were drawn as “tetsuhau” (grenades) in “Moko Shurai Ekotoba,” illustrated narratives of the Mongolian invasions, were found at the site and recovered.

The sea area near this site is home to what is known as the Takashima Kozaki site. This was the first submerged site in Japan to be registered as a national historic site. Furthermore, underwater exploration of the area was conducted this summer.

The Cultural Affairs Agency plans to use the achievements and results of this research in future surveys of underwater ruins and sites. It has launched an exploratory committee of scholars to oversee this task. We have high hopes that there are outstanding developments in store.

The Seto Inland Sea is the final resting place for the Iroha Maru, the ship carrying Sakamoto Ryoma that collided with a ship run by the feudal Kishu domain during the final days of the Tokugawa shogunate. Furnishings thought to have been used in the ship’s cabins have already been retrieved from the site.

Chinese ceramics from about the 13th century have been found in the sea near Ojikajima island, which is one of the Goto Islands that are part of Nagasaki Prefecture and have served as key traffic lane on the sea route to China from ancient times.

Despite such examples of the historically significant items under the sea, in actuality most submerged sites around Japan have been left untouched.

Funding main problem

Underwater archaeology is the study of sunken ships and ancient cities that have sunk below the surface of the sea, a field that can provide insight into the levels of craftsmen’s skills and technology, as well as into people’s ways of life at the time. Since the end of World War II, this discipline has mostly developed in Europe and the United States.

In recent years, advances in sonar, remotely controlled cameras and other technologies have helped researchers learn even more about what lies under the sea. Japan lags behind many other countries when it comes to underwater archaeology and needs to strengthen its foundation in the field.

The greatest obstacle to this is funding. Surveying underwater reportedly costs about 10 times as much as examining ruins on land, so finding the cash for such projects is daunting. In many cases, local governments and research institutes play a central role in conducting such surveys.

However, underwater surveys can, on occasion, run up bills of hundreds of millions of yen. Such exorbitant costs have probably given organizers of many potential projects cold feet. To conduct surveys of ruins with historical value, financial support from the central government is essential.

Japan also will need to nurture more underwater archaeology experts.

Japan is a member of the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea. The convention states for objects of an archaeological and historical nature “particular regard” will be “paid to the preferential rights of the State or country of origin, or the State of cultural origin.” There will likely be cases in which the examination of foreign ships that sank in waters near Japan will require coordination with the nation from which the ship came.

The first task for the government will be sorting out and examining the various issues involved in the survey of underwater wrecks.

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 25, 2014)


Book Review of The Sacred Science of Ancient Japan: Lost Chronicles of the Age of the Gods

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heritageofjapan:

A book review of Avery Morrow’s “The Lost Science of Ancient. Japan: Lost Chronicles of the Age of Gods” by Okunomichi

Originally posted on Okunomichi:

Avery Morrow, The Sacred Science of Ancient Japan: Lost Chronicles of the Age of the Gods, 2014, 224 pp, Bear & Company.

Image

In this book, published in January 2014, Avery Morrow discusses four (of many) parahistorical documents: Sendai Kuji Hongi Taiseikyo, Hotsuma Tsutae, Takenouchi Documents, and the Katakamuna Documents. These are arguably the most important. He provides information not readily available in English. Ever since the eighth century, the only written records acknowledged by conventional historical researchers have been the Kojiki, Records of Old (712 CE) and the Nihon Shoki, Chronicles of Japan (720 CE). They have enjoyed 1300 years of official sanction in Japan and later in the West, and are together referred to as the Ki-Ki. The Kojiki has two English translations, those by Basil Chamberlain and by Donald Philippi. The Nihon Shoki translation by George Aston has no rival. Indeed, these three books have had no…

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Scholars confirm first discovery of Japanese sword from master bladesmith Masamune in 150 years

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Originally posted on RocketNews24:

MS 5

Should you visit a history museum in Japan, and, like I do, make an immediate beeline for the collections of samurai armor and weaponry, you might be surprised to notice that Japanese swords are customarily displayed with the stitching removed from the hilt. Visually, it sort of dampens the impact, since the remaining skinny slab of metal is a lot less evocative of it actually being gripped and wielded by one of Japan’s warriors of ages past.

The reason this is done, though, is because many Japanese swordsmiths would “sign” their works by etching their names into the metal of the hilt. Some craftsmen achieved almost legendary status, becoming folk heroes whose names are widely known even today.

The most respected of all, though, was Masamune, whose reluctance to sign his blades has made identifying them difficult. But difficult and impossible are two different things, and for the first…

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Y chromosome haplogroups of Japanese population analysed in a 2013 forensic paper

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Y-chromosome phylogenetic tree

Fig 1 Phylogenetic tree of 22 Y chromosome binary polymorphisms analyzed in this study

Yuta Harayama et al., Analysis of Y chromosome haplogroups in Japanese population using short amplicons and its application in forensic analysis Leg Med (Tokyo) January 2014, Vol.16(1):20–25, Epub 2013 Nov 1.  doi:10.1016/j.legalmed.2013.10.005 Excerpts follow below.

Abstract

We designed three mini multiplex PCR systems using single-base extension reactions to identify Japanese Y chromosome haplogroups. We selected a group of 22 Y chromosome single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) from the haplogroups most commonly reported in East Asia. To make the systems more useful in analyzing degraded DNA samples, we designed primers to render amplicons of 150bp. Applying these systems, we classified the Japanese population into major haplogroups and confirmed the applicability of these systems in forensic DNA analysis.

1. Introduction

Short tandem repeat (STR) markers are highly effective in determining personal identity, and Y chromosome STR loci and population genetic data from a wide range of ethnic groups are now routinely used in forensics [1], [2], [3], [4]. While SNPs have also been applied in kinship testing, more of these binary markers than STRs are required to be useful. However, SNPs have certain advantages over STRs, including much greater mutational stability and good performance when typing highly degraded DNA [5], [6], [7]. The Y chromosome carries the largest amount of non-recombining DNA and contains stable binary markers that can be used in evolutionary studies. Y chromosome SNPs typing can help trace the origins and history of human populations by tracking migrational patterns [8].

The human Y chromosome tree contains 20 major clades, consisting of 311 distinct haplogroups defined by hundreds of binary markers [9], [10]. To classify the Japanese population, we selected haplogroups C, D, and O, reported as major haplogroups in Japan and East Asia, and haplogroups N and Q, found at low frequencies in Japan [9], [11]. Recent reports indicate that much of the Japanese population can be subdivided into sub-haplogroups D2 and O2 [9]. We established three mini multiplex PCR systems to classify the Japanese population. System 1 is capable of classifying the Japanese population into the major clades C, D, D1, D2, D3, O, O1a, O2, O3, N, and Q. System 2 subdivides clade D2; System 3 subdivides clade O2. These PCR systems use single-base extension (SBE) reactions.

The goal of this study was to develop methods for analyzing difficult DNA samples encountered in forensics. The analysis of highly fragmented DNA or samples containing PCR inhibitors using commercially-available STR typing kits often fails to resolve informative profiles. Several methods have been proposed to remove the inhibitors or reduce their effects. MiniSTR analysis allows us to analyze degraded DNA samples efficiently by obtaining short PCR products [12], [13], [14], [15], [16]. We focused on Y chromosome SNPs used in haplogroup classification and applied the present systems to personal identification tasks. The advantage of using the simultaneously detected multiplex system of Y chromosome SNPs is the capacity to predict the haplogroup even if the typing of the alleles is incomplete. To make the systems more useful with such samples, we designed primers to render amplicons of 150bp. We analyzed highly degraded DNA to determine the efficacy of these multiplex systems.

2. Materials and methods

2.1. Samples and DNA extraction

This study was approved by the Ethics Committee of Shinshu University. After obtaining informed consent, we collected samples from 432 healthy unrelated adult Japanese males representing virtually every prefecture in Japan (including Hokkaido and Okinawa) and extracted DNA from blood or buccal mucosa cells using the QIAamp DNA Blood Mini Kit (Qiagen, Hilden, Germany). We also extracted DNA from various male bone samples by SDS-proteinase K treatment followed by phenol/chloroform extraction.

2.2. Primer design and multiplex PCR amplification

We selected 22 SNPs from the non-coding regions of the Y chromosome using the phylogenetic tree of Y chromosome haplogroups, focusing on Japanese groups (Fig. 1). Each primer set was designed using Primer3Plus software (http://primer3plus.com/) to generate amplicons (including each SNP) of ⩽150bp by setting each primer binding site close to SNP. Each primer was checked for the potential self-dimer structures using AutoDimer software (http://www.cstl.nist.gov/biotech/strbase/AutoDimerHomepage/AutoDimerProgramHomepage.htm). We checked each PCR primer set by agarose gel electrophoresis to confirm that each product was peculiar to male DNA and confirmed the allele typing of single base extension products by DNA sequencing with a 3130xl Genetic Analyzer (Applied Biosystems, Foster City, CA, USA).

 

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        • View Large Image (top of the page)
      • Fig. 1.

        Phylogenetic tree of 22 Y chromosome binary polymorphisms analyzed in this study. Marker names are indicated above the lines. SNPs are indicated by red letters in System 1, blue letters in System 2, and green letters in System 3.

 

We ran three mini multiplex PCR systems. System 1 (undecaplex M15, RPS4Y711, M231, P31, P191, M119, IMS-JST021355, M242, P99, M179, and M122) roughly subdivided the Japanese population into haplogroups C, D, D1, D2, D3, O, O1a, O2, O3, N, and Q. System 2 (octaplex IMS-JST022457, M116.1, M125, P151, P120, P42, M179, and P12) further subdivided haplogroup D2, while System 3 (pentaplex SRY465, M95, P31, M88, and PK4) further subdivided haplogroup O2. …

3. Results

We established three mini Y chromosome SNP multiplex systems using 22 Y chromosome binary markers to identify 23 haplogroups in the Japanese population. Sensitivity studies detected allele peaks at >150 relative fluorescence units. In investigating template DNA concentrations with System 1, we observed several additional peaks with 50pg of template DNA. Interpretation of analyses with 50pg of template DNA in Systems 2 and 3 proved difficult due to low peaks. To avoid mistyping attributable to extra peaks, we set the low template level between 50 and 100pg. While allele typing was successful in the group with 5ng of template DNA, the target peaks were too high, and extra peaks were observed. Thus, we set the maximum template level at <2ng. Typing proved possible for all samples with template DNA amounts between 100pg and 2ng, and no significant extra peaks were observed. Within these limits established by DNA detection range analysis, allele typing for all selected SNPs proved successful with each system. Fig. 3 shows the results for DNA from 9948 DNA (Promega, Madison, WI) obtained using our systems. When SNP analysis was performed using female DNA as a template or negative control, no PCR bands were detected. Non-expected peaks were occasionally visible, but these peaks did not affect SNP evaluations.

SYS123PIIS1344622313001211.gr3.lrg

  • Fig. 3.

    Electropherograms for 9948 DNA obtained using the present SNP systems.

Most of the Japanese population can be classified using these three mini Y chromosome SNP multiplex systems. Table 1 shows the frequency for the Japanese population. Mutations RPS4Y711 (haplogroup C), IMS-JST021355 (haplogroup D), and P191 (haplogroup O), respectively, were 8.3%, 30.3%, and 59.0%, haplogroup frequencies similar to those found in past studies [18], [19], [20], [21]. Mutations M231 (haplogroup N) and M242 (haplogroup Q) were rarely found in this study. Using Systems 2 and 3, we subdivided populations of haplogroups D2 and O2. In this survey, haplogroup D2a1b (16.2%) was the most frequent in Japanese haplogroup D populations and haplogroup O2b (32.2%) the most frequent in the haplogroup O population. The haplogroup frequencies observed in haplogroup D2 and O2 were similar to those reported in previous studies[19], [20].

Table 1. The haplogroup freqencies for Japansese population.
Haplogroup No. of samples Frequency
C 36 0.083
D 0 0
D1 0 0
D2 22 0.051
D2a 29 0.067
D2a1 3 0.007
D2a1a 6 0.014
D2a1a1 0 0
D2a1b 70 0.162
D2a2 0 0
D2a3 1 0.002
D3 0 0
N 4 0.009
O 0 0
O1 0 0
O1a 7 0.016
O2 15 0.035
O2a 0 0
O2a1 0 0
O2a1a 0 0
O2b 139 0.322
O3 94 0.218
Q 2 0.005
Not determined 4 0.009

We also investigated the effectiveness of our systems in analyzing degraded samples. We re-analyzed a set of 30 hard tissue samples unsuccessfully examined using the protocol for a commercially available AmpFLSTR Yfiler Kit. This protocol had produced unsatisfactory results for at least 7 of the 16 loci. Fig. 4 shows the results of our analysis of the degraded DNA samples. Only 8 alleles were successfully typed using the AmpFLSTR Yfiler Kit; in contrast, the present systems proved able to detect all alleles and define the haplogroup. Table 2 presents the results of our analysis. The present systems proved capable of classifying 29 of 30 degraded DNA samples previously examined unsuccessfully using the AmpFLSTR Yfiler Kit. We also used the three systems to analyze an artificially degraded DNA sample (Table 3). In tests of degraded DNA digested with DNase, typing had failed for more than half the loci. In contrast, the present systems also proved effective with these degraded samples (Supplementary data 3).

      • View full-size image.
      • Fig. 4.

        (a) Electropherograms for degraded DNA sample from a male, extracted from a hard tissue sample and obtained using the AmpFLSTR Yfiler Kit (Applied Biosystems). (b) Electropherograms for degraded DNA samples from a male, extracted from hard tissue sample and obtained using the present SNP systems.

Table 2. The result of allele typing using the Y-SNPs multiplex systems for degraded DNA.
Sample No. AmpflSTR
Yfiler Kit
System 1 System 2 System 3 Haplogroup
1 9a 9b 3 3 (–)c
2 7 9 8 5 O2b
3 3 11 6 5 O2b
4 8 10 6 5 O2b
5 9 10 6 5 D2a1
6 9 11 7 5 D2a1a
7 9 10 8 5 D2a1b
8 9 10 8 5 O2b
9 8 8 7 5 O2b
10 9 8 7 5 D2a1b
11 9 8 7 4 D2a1b
12 9 8 8 5 D2a1a
13 9 10 6 4 Q
14 6 7 7 5 O2b
15 6 5 5 5 O2b
16 7 8 5 4 O3
17 3 9 6 4 D2a1a
18 6 11 8 5 O3
19 2 8 7 2 O1a
20 9 11 7 4 O3
21 8 7 8 5 D2a1b
22 4 8 8 5 D2
23 7 10 8 5 D2a
24 7 10 8 5 O2b
25 9 9 8 5 O2
26 9 9 6 4 O3
27 6 8 7 5 O2b
28 8 8 8 5 D2a
29 6 9 7 5 D2a1b
30 9 7 8 5 D2a

aNumber of loci typed successfully in the AmpflSTR Yfiler Kit.

bNumber of loci typed successfully in miniY-SNP systems.

c(–) Indicate not fully information.

Table 3. The result of allele typing using the Y-SNPs multiplex systems for artificially degraded DNA.
Enzyme reaction
time (min)
AmpflSTR
Yfiler Kit
System 1 System 2 System 3
0 16a 11b 8 5
2 16 11 8 5
5 16 11 8 5
10 16 11 8 5
30 16 11 8 5
60 11 11 8 5
90 7 11 8 5
120 7 11 8 5

aNumber of loci typed successfully in the AmpflSTR Yfiler Kit.

bNumber of loci typed successfully in miniY-SNP systems.

4. Discussion

STR and SNP analyses have become essential tools for determining personal identity based on biological samples. Current research is especially active in the area of autosomal and Y chromosome STRs and SNPs [22], [23], [24], [25], [26], [27]. Commercially available STR multiplex kits are not specifically manufactured for the analysis of forensic samples; forensic scientists often encounter problems during analysis of degraded DNA. To date, multiplex SNP analysis of degraded DNA samples has not been investigated extensively. We configured three systems to perform simultaneous analysis of biallelic markers on the Y chromosome that classify haplogroups in the Japanese population and began by evaluating the performance of our systems with Japanese haplogroup classification. We applied the newly devised mini Y chromosome SNP multiplex PCR systems to the analysis of samples from 432 Japanese men. The results indicated frequencies of major haplogroups consistent with those found in previous studies [18], [19], [20], [21]. For 0.9% of the Japanese population, we failed to discover any mutations using our three Y chromosome SNP analysis systems. These samples appear to belong to haplogroups I and R [11]. The haplogoup D lineage occurs most frequently in Central Asia and in Japan; the haplogroup D2 lineage is rarely found outside Japan [11]. In this survey, all haplogroup D instances belonged to haplogroup D2, while the frequencies of subhaplogroups D2, D2a1, and D2a1b showed no significant differences from previous reports and fine classifications, suggesting that System 2 may be very useful in subdividing the Japanese haplogroup D2 population. Where further classification is required, IMS-JST022456 may help define the subclades of haplogroup D2 [20].

Haplogroup O, the most prevalent haplogroup in Japan, was divided by System 1 and further divided by System 3. In System 1, 21.3% of samples branched into haplogroup O3. Using System 3, we demonstrated that haplogroup O2 branched into haplogroup O2b (32.2%). Haplogroups O2b and O3 accounted for more than half the Japanese population. Introducing still another system to subdivide haplogroups O2b and O3 should make it still more useful for personal identification. Reports indicate many individuals in the Japanese haplogroup O2b have the 47z mutation (haplogroup O2b1) [11], [25]. Additionally, the Japanese haplogroup O3 can be divided into further subgroups [27], [28].

We found that …

- haplogroup O accounted for 59.0% of the samples;

- haplogroup D for 30.3% of the samples; and

- haplogroup C for 8.3%.

Several studies indicate haplogroups C, D, and O are found in more than 95% of the East Asian population [18], [28], but at differing proportions from country to country. Japan features high proportions of haplogroup D, while South Korea features high proportions of haplogroup C [28]. Genetic differences between East Asians are also evident in mitochondrial DNA haplogroups. Mitochondrial DNA is an excellent tool for forensic genetics due to the high copy numbers per cell and maternal inheritance. Certain mitochondrial haplogroups, such as M7a and N9b, occur frequently in the Japanese population but are rarely encountered in other East Asian populations [29]. Using mitochondrial and Y chromosome SNPs, we can exploit these differences to categorize East Asian populations into the appropriate haplogroups.

Personal identification requires further classification; forensic scientists often encounter major difficulties in analyzing degraded DNA samples. Quite often, degraded DNA samples cannot be successfully analyzed using commercially available kits subject to sample volume limitations. In forensic examinations, an additional system capable of fine sub-classification may help. The objective of the present study is to apply these methods to analyze degraded samples for forensic purposes. Allele typing by Y chromosome SNPs analysis is easier than with autosomal or X chromosome SNPs because heterozygosities and systems that detect stimulatory Y chromosome SNP can often predict haplogroups, even with incomplete allele typing. STRs are known to produce stutter artifacts differing from true alleles that may complicate analysis; on the other hand, SNP analysis is very simple.

Our new systems containing 22 Y chromosome SNPs promise effective and efficient analysis of highly degraded DNA samples in the Japanese population. The short amplicons used in this study offer the potential to become the tool of choice for analyzing degraded DNA samples [17], [30]. To test these hypotheses, we used amplification product lengths between 77bp (M122) and 150bp (M231 and M95) for all Y chromosome SNPs. On this basis, our systems proved capable of generating favorable results with highly degraded DNA samples. … these systems proved effective with samples in which STRs could be detected in >2 loci. Analytical results for artificially degraded samples substituting for highly degraded forensic DNA sources were also superior to those obtained using commercial STR kits. For degraded DNA samples for which alleles were not completely detected, this means these systems can easily determine haplogroups and that even if haplogroups are not determined to precise subgroups, the detected SNPs can help achieve personal identification.

Selecting 22 Y chromosome SNPs and developing Y chromosome SNP multiplex systems (mini Y chromosome SNP) to analyze degraded DNA samples, we demonstrated these systems are capable of identifying polymorphisms in Japanese subjects and of analyzing highly degraded samples for personal identification in forensic studies.

 


Criminals of Japan’s Edo Period Were Often Punished by Getting Face Tattoos

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heritageofjapan:

Japanese culture has had an on-off love-hate relationship with tattoos…

Originally posted on RocketNews24:

kodenma0001

Japan has had a complicated relationship with tattoos over its history. Unlike in most western countries where it’s simply considered a form of expression or drunkenly poor decisions, currently body art is generally looked down upon in Japanese society despite having some of the best artists and techniques in the world.

And yet most people in Japan are unaware that not too long ago, for a time during the Edo Period (1603-1868) the go-to form of punishment for non-violent crimes was a tattoo right in the center of your forehead.

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Travel back in time to the Sengoku Era at Sekigahara War Land

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Originally posted on RocketNews24:

On October 21, 1600, Tokugawa Ieyasu won the famous Battle of Sekigahara which secured his way to rule the shogunate of Japan.

Today, the battlefield where more than 200,000 people perished is but a remnant of ancient history. It is an ordinary town, and only the most maniacal of history buffs would show up to trace the roots of Sekigahara. However, in the center of that town, there is actually a ‘theme park’ where you can learn about history and the famous battle right where it took place, known as the somewhat awkwardly named “Learn! Play! The Immersive War Museum – Sekigahara War Land”.

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Rare account of feudal warrior’s daily life.

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heritageofjapan:

Rare candid diary of end-Edo period samurai warrior gives fascinating and frank account of daily life, such as falling asleep on his watch…

Originally posted on Rekishi Nihon (Japanese history):

HIKONE, Shiga Prefecture–Fascinating tidbits from the daily lives of samurai warriors have been gleaned from a diary found four years ago at the residence of a notable family.

The discovery of the “Biwa Nikki” (Biwa Diary), a memoir of a samurai from the late Edo Period (1603-1867), sent the pulses of researchers racing as few such intimate handwritten documents from that time exist.

It had been kept by the Takigai family, which provided matchlock troops for the Hikone domain.

Screenshot_8

Researchers at the Hikone Castle Museum and a study group have been scrutinizing the work that records the reminiscences of the family’s seventh-generation Uhachiro (1843-1923), one of the last warriors of the domain.

The document was written in 1912 by Tatsugoro, the fifth son of Uhachiro, based on stories he heard from his father.

Researchers have completed their studies of the diary in the portion up to the early Meiji Era…

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Masked drama-dance traditions of Central Asia reached Japan during the Asuka period (592-710)

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Gigaku Mask of Konron (Gigakumen Konron) (Source: Yomiuri Shimbun)

Gigaku Mask of Konron (Gigakumen Konron) (Source: Yomiuri Shimbun)

Gigaku, a form of drama-dance performance is said to arrived from China during the Asuka period (592-710). It was performed in Japan at Buddhist services at temples and to entertain foreign missions. The Mask of Konron, the photo above of a half-man, half-beast, is believed to have been used in the Consecration Ceremony of the Great Buddha at Todaiji temple in Nara nearly 1,300 years ago (source: Oct 29, 2014 Yomiuri Shimbun’s “Deep cultural significance behind warm charm of squirrel-eared Konron”). The Konron mask is one of rare 250 ancient masks preserved by the Buddhist monasteries in Japan, and is from among the Shosoin Treasures in Nara.

The Smithsonian Museum has a rather informative writeup called “Nara Gate” that suggests to us that gigaku performances were probably rather lively and occasionally shocking or raunchy theatrical performances (not unlike the early Roman and Shakespearean plays) that evolved into the more sombre institutionalized and politically-correct court performances of gagaku:

“When Todaiji’s Great Buddha was dedicated in 752, sixty masked gigaku performers and drummers were part of the celebration. The masked dance form gigaku had traveled northward from India through the western regions of China and eventually to Japan. The masks, each over a foot tall, portrayed lively, often outlandish characters from China, Central Asia, and Iran, as well as Japan. Gigaku masks were often used in Buddhist ceremonies. Large masks were popular in Central Asia and China before they came to Japan and were likely used to teach about Buddhism.

After the capital moved to Kyoto, the court became increasingly refined, and the gigaku dances were criticized for their informality. Another dance form, bugaku, that told more courtly stories and used smaller masks eventually became the dance form of the imperial house. Later, even smaller masks were used in Japanese Noh dramas that are still performed today. These forms are strictly Japanese, and, unlike gigaku, do not incorporate as characters the many foreigners who traveled along the Silk Road to Japan.

The Shosoin, the treasure house of the Todaiji Temple, holds one of the best collections of 8th-century gigaku masks in the world. Most of the masks are made of paulownia wood, and it is rare to find such well-preserved wooden objects.”

The origin of the gigaku masked drama-dance tradition is believed to be ultimately Central Asia, the stories performed involve a Persian king, the King of Wu and the mythical bird of India, the Garuda. It is said to have been introduced via China and Korea (source: above article “Nara Gate”, as well as from Yoshida Minosuke, bunraku puppeteer).

Mannojo Nomura revived the ancient tradition of gigaku masked performance in Japan. During research across the Silk Road, Mr. Nomura discovered the connections between the gigaku masks of Japan and other large-mask traditions in China, Tibet, and India. Based on this research he has organized a troupe, Ethnos, whose dancers come from several countries and in gigaku masks perform dance dramas drawn from Japanese tradition.  Many 8th-century gigaku masks in Japanese collections have features of characters from China, India, and Iran. Mannojo Nomura has recreated some of these masks for his dance troupe.

According to the following excerpt from the Asian Traditional Theatre & Dance website’s “Gigaku, Buddhist Mask Theatre” article, the dance was introduced via a Korean actor in 612:

“Gigaku was a form of Buddhist processional dance drama, which reached Japan in the 7th century from Central Asia through Korea and China. Gigaku blended religious themes with comedy, and even burlesque scenes, while the performances took place in temple courtyards. Its performance tradition died out in the Heian period (794–1192). Wooden gigaku masks are now valued as high-quality artefacts, preserved in temple treasuries and museums.

The History

It is assumed that gigaku originated in India, from where Buddhism spread to Central Asia and from there, via the so-called Northern Silk Road, further to China, Korea and Japan. The Silk Road was a network of caravan routes, which for thousands of years connected the Mediterranean world with India, Central Asia and East Asia.

Before the Muslim invasions in Central Asia there flourished numerous prosperous Buddhist centres, with which China, Korea and Japan had close contacts. Central Asian Buddhism and arts deeply influenced the culture of East Asia.

Among the cultural expressions adopted from Central Asia was also a tradition of Buddhist mask processions, known in Japan as gigaku. In fact, most of the evidence of the tradition, in the form of wooden masks, can now be found in Japan. Due to the Japanese tradition of carefully preserving religious artefacts in monastery treasuries, there still exist as many as some 250 masks.

Besides the masks, there also exists textual evidence that throws light on gigaku’s history. According to this evidence, it was in the 7th century that gigaku was brought from Korea to Japan, although gigaku masks and costumes had already been known there. It is believed that gigaku was performed in Japan for the first time by a Korean actor in 612.

The dancer was invited to teach the art of gigaku to Japanese boys. Thus this tradition, which was widely practised in the Buddhist world, was also adapted to the Japanese context. It replaced earlier Buddhist types of performance and it flourished particularly in the 8th and the 9th centuries. Its popularity gradually diminished in the 10th to 12th centuries and soon the tradition completely died out.

The Mask System

Gigaku masks are classified as follows:

  1. Kojin, foreigners or “barbarians”
    This group includes masks representing members of various nations from the Silk Road regions, such as the Drunken Persian King.
  2. Gojin, people of the Wu kingdom
    This group includes the King and the Princess of Wu as well as Buddhist guardian spirits and several ordinary citizens, such as a wrestler, an old couple with children etc.
  3. Nankaijin, native of the Southern Sea
    The main character in this group is the Konron, or the demonic arch-villain, who represents greed and other “low” human qualities.
  4. Irui, various animal characters
    This group includes a lion, a protector of Buddhist doctrine and a bird related to the mythical bird of Hinduism, Garuda.
    The Performance
    According to textual sources the performance took place in a temple courtyard at which the masked actors and their accompanying musicians arrived in a solemn procession. The orchestra included two flautists, two cymbalists and twenty drummers.

The procession proceeded for a couple of times around the temple building and was led by a lion and its attendants, two dancers wearing children’s masks. They performed a dance in order to venerate the five cardinal points of the universe. Variants of the Lion Dance are still known in many parts of Asia today.

After the procession, the actual play, called Konron, began with the entrance of the King of Wu, after which a mythical bird performed its dance. The beautiful Princess of Wu was then introduced. She inspired the lustful demon Konron to perform his wild dance with a phallic staff in his hand. The demon kidnapped the princess. However, Kongo, the frightening, yet benevolent, guardian of the Buddhist doctrine arrived and was able to bin the phallic staff with ropes.

Three mime scenes followed the main play. The first one showed a poor, fallen monk, who is washing his baby son’s clothes. The second mime scene described a poor grandfather, who with his orphaned grandchildren is making offerings in a temple. The third scene elaborated the stock character of a Drunken Persian King. The whole programme ended with a joyous procession.”
Ultimate Central Asian roots of the tradition

The lion mask (shishimen) was an integral part of gigaku performances of the 8th century. Similar figures are still found in Southeast Asian dance in Bali, in Tibetan ritual, and in many Chinese and Vietnamese New Year celebrations. The lion mask and dance also remains an important heritage especially found in the northern areas of Korea, called the Bukcheong Saja-Nori lion dance. According to Korean historical sources, the lion sanye dance came from the West, India and Central Asia, thus corroborating the evidence from other sources.

The masked dance tradition in China has existed since the 3rd c. AD, according to ethnomusicologist Laurence Picken, the Chinese word for lion itself, shi (獅, written as 師 in the early periods), may have been derived from the Persian word šer, and lions were originally presented to the Han court by emissaries from Central Asia and the Parthian Empire. Detailed descriptions of Lion Dance appeared during the Tang Dynasty and it was already recognized by writers and poets then as a foreign dance, however, the practice of the Lion dance may have been recorded in China as early as the third century AD where “lion acts” were referred to by a Three Kingdoms scholar Meng Kang in a commentary on Hanshu. In the early periods it had association with Buddhism: it was recorded in a Northern Wei text, Description of Buddhist Temples in Luoyang that a parade for a statue of Buddha of the Changqiu Temple was led by a lion to drive away evil spirits.

 

Further resources:

Mask makers’ Web provides further resources for comparing the different mask traditions of Mongolia, India, Bali, China, the Silk Road, etc…

Bukcheong Saja-Nori lion dance http://www.accu.or.jp/ich/en/arts/A_KOR3.html

Wikipedia, “Lion Dance” http://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lion_dance


Magic mushrooms may have been used in Japan since Jomon times

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Ceramic mushroom "amulets"?, ritual implements, Rokaku-shi, Akita prefecture

Ceramic mushroom “amulets”?, ritual implements of a Jomon period site, Rokaku-shi, Akita prefecture

Ceramic mushrooms (see above photo) have been excavated from a Jomon archaeological site in Akita prefecture, indicating that the Jomon people as with many cultures elsewhere, probably used “magic mushrooms” (i.e. psychoactive mushrooms) ritually. The mushrooms reproduced in clay were found in a ritual context along with other ritual implements such as ceramic human figurines and as such likely indicate their central function and symbolism attached to shamanic rituals possibly at solstice or other festivals where they may have been distributed to other members of the society. Similar pottery mushroom representations have been found in Native American digs.

Around 30 species of magic mushrooms inhabit Japan and the archipelago is among the category of countries with the richest finds of magic mushrooms (see below)

Source:

Source: Inflammation and Regeneration journal, Jan 1, 2009

Apart from the graphic clay representation above, magic mushrooms are referred to in the Konjaku Monogatari Shuu (compiled in the Heian period 12th c.) which records the story of some nuns who climbed a mountain and ate some mushrooms that caused them to dance. Magic mushrooms references in Japan are often referred to as dance-inducing(Odoritake and Maitake) or laughter-inducing (Waraitake) mushrooms. These are the names of ancient dance forms in Japan (source: Historical Overview of Psychoactive Mushrooms, Yoshihiro Matsushima, et al., Inflammation and Regeneration, Jan 1, 2009)

On the religious and ritual use of hallucinogenic mushrooms, Giorgio Santorini wrote:

“The use of vegetable hallucinogens by humans for religious purposes is very ancient, probably even older than its use for healing, magic or teaching purposes. The profound alterations in one’s state of consciousness brought about by the use of a hallucinogen has served as a founding axis for religious systems, and in the development of established religions throughout the history of humanity.” —  Giorgio Samorini, ethnobotanist and psychedelics researcher, Integration, 5: 105-114

The art and skill of using magic mushrooms, along with other herbal resources for healing would have conferred upon ancient shaman great prestige, see “Shamanism“:

“Shamanic knowledge usually enjoys great power and prestige in the community, but it may also be regarded suspiciously or fearfully as potentially harmful to others.

By engaging in their work, a shaman is exposed to significant personal risk, from the spirit world, from enemy shamans, or from the means employed to alter the shaman’s state of consciousness. Shamanic plant materials can be toxic or fatal if misused. Failure to return from an out-of-body journey can lead to death. Spells are commonly used to protect against these dangers, and the use of more dangerous plants is often very highly ritualized.”

Central Asian shamans served as sacred intermediaries between the human and spirit world. In this role they took on tasks such as healing, divination, appealing to ancestors, manipulating the elements, leading lost souls and officiating public religious rituals. The shamanic séance served as a public display of the shaman’s journey to the spirit world and usually involved intense trances, drumming, dancing, chanting, elaborate costumes, miraculous displays of physical strength, and audience involvement. …

Shamans perform in a “state of ecstasy” deliberately induced by an effort of will. Reaching this altered state of consciousness required great mental exertion, concentration and strict self-discipline. Mental and physical preparation included long periods of silent meditation, fasting, and smoking. In this state, skilled shamans employ capabilities that the human organism cannot accomplish in the ordinary state. Shamans in ecstasy displayed unusual physical strength, the ability to withstand extreme temperatures, the bearing of stabbing and cutting without pain, and the heightened receptivity of the sense organs. Shamans made use of intoxicating substances and hallucinogens, especially mukhomor mushrooms and alcohol, as a means of hastening the attainment of ecstasy. [Balzer, Shamanism pp 12-21] — See The Siberian Shamanism Origins of Santa Claus: Reindeer, Pine Trees and Mushrooms

In some cases, the mushrooms were not only regarded as sacred, but as deities in themselves, or flesh of deities, or mediators of gods (see Giorgio Samorini)

On the role of magic mushrooms in the development of religion, see also Mushrooms and Religion, lectures by George Wong:

“Gordon Wasson put forth his own hypothesis on the origin of religion from mushrooms containing entheogens, psychoactive compounds that is taken to bring on a spiritual experience. Usually, these are of plant origin, e.g. peyote, but may be of fungal origin, e.g. Amanita muscaria, as well. Wasson gave examples from several cultures that he had previously described, in details. In addition, Wasson, with respect to Soma, he believed that it was responsible for..

“A prodigious expansion in Man’s memory must have been the gift that differentiated mankind from his predecessors, and I surmise that this expansion in memory led to a simultaneous growth in the gift of language, these two powers generating in man that self-consciousness which is the third of the triune traits that alone make man unique. Those three gifts – memory, language and self-consciousness – so interlock that they seem inseparable, the aspects of a quality that permitted us to achieve all the wonders we now know.

R. Gordon Wasson, from pg. 80, Persephone’s Quest: Entheogens and the Origins of Religion. Yale University Press, New Haven MA.

A modified version of this hypothesis was later developed by McKenna, in the late 1980’s. His hypothesis differed from Wasson in that Mckenna believed that mushrooms involved contained the entheogen psilocybin, and he specifically says Stropharia cubensis, was responsible for the origin of religion and development of memory, language and self-consciousness. According to Mckenna, both events occurred in Africa, and began during the prehistoric, nomadic, hunting/gathering period of man’s existence.”

The collection and distribution of the mushrooms were the traditional domain of the Siberian shaman:

The name of the mushroom is Amanita muscaria, also called Fly Agaric. Muscaria is a psychotropic, causing visions and altered states.  It is also toxic, and must be handled in a particular manner so as to get the psychedelic effects without the toxic ones. You may have heard of the word “shaman”, which is a word from the Tungus-speaking people of Siberia, to connote a religious specialist.(1)  The Tungusic are Russian indigenous people who live in the arctic circle (north pole) and they are reindeer herders. A shaman dealt with the mushrooms, as both a safety practice and as part of the spirituality of the people.

The shaman would collect the mushrooms in a bag and deliver them to families, who would then often hang them in socks around the fireplace to dry – the mushrooms would be ready to share their revelatory gifts in the morning of the solstice.

Amanita Muscaria grows only beneath a Christmas tree (coniferous/pine tree) in a symbiotic, non-parasitic relationship with the roots of the tree. (6) It used to be thought to be the fruit of the tree.

Coming in through the Chimney

And of course, the final touch is how the shaman would enter homes to distribute the “gifts”:

The tradition of the Shaman,[...], was to go into the forests and collect these shrooms that grow under pine trees or evergreen trees. The Shaman would collect enough for the entire tribe and then go to each of the houses, sometimes due to heavy snow the doors would be snowed in and the Shaman would have to enter through the smoke hole in the roof!

Ornaments and Santa’s Outfit

And what about Santa’s outfit and Christmas tree ornaments? Well… from JungleApocalypse:

To this day Siberian shamans dress in ceremonial red and white [also the most dominant Shinto ritual and sacred color] fur-trimmed jackets to gather the magic mushrooms. First they pick and place the mushrooms to partially dry on nearby pine boughs which prepares them for ingestion and makes the load lighter.

 See Mushrooms and Religion: Psilocybe, Conocybe, Stropharia, Panaeolus, Copelandia, etc for more on the use of mushrooms and religious experience.

The following  articles may contain possible scientific explanations for the altered states of consciousness that shamanic figures have.

Magic mushrooms link unconnected brain regions (LiveScience, Oct 30, 2014)

Users of psilocybin, the active ingredient in magic mushrooms, often report altered states of consciousness and a synesthesia-like melding of the senses. Now, scientists studying the drug may have found an explanation for these bizarre sensations: Psilocybin changes the brain’s wiring on a macroscopic scale, LiveScience reports. Researchers placed experienced magic mushroom users into an MRI machine after giving them either a placebo or a dose of psilocybin. They discovered that in addition to disrupting normal communication channels, the drug also created a hyperconnected brain that contained links between regions that don’t typically communicate with each other (see image from Wired). The new linkages might account for the blending of senses and may even explain why some users report profound shifts in perspective and worldview even after the drug has worn off.

In an earlier report:

Mapping the Psychedelic Brain (Science Now, 23 Jan, 2012) by Greg Miller

Drugs like psilocybin, the active ingredient in hallucinogenic mushrooms, play all sorts of tricks on the mind. They distort the perception of time, space, and self, and even untether the senses. Some researchers thought these strange effects might result from the drugs overexciting the brain. But the first study to use functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to examine brain activity in people who’ve taken psilocybin finds that the drug reduces neural firing in key communication hubs, essentially disconnecting some brain regions from each other.

In Central America and elsewhere, hallucinogenic drugs have been used for centuries in healing and religious ceremonies. Recent years have seen renewed interest in exploiting them to explore the neural basis of spirituality and potentially to treat depression, anxiety, and other mental illnesses. Yet neuroscientists know little about how these compounds act on the brain to cause such intensely altered experiences. Hallucinogenic drugs are tightly regulated, and few previous studies have tried to gauge their effects on the human brain. One study, using positron emission tomography (PET), found that psilocybin increases brain metabolism, especially in the frontal cortex.

In the new work, published this week in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, researchers led by psychopharmacologists Robin Carhart-Harris and David Nutt of Imperial College London used a different method, fMRI, to scan the brains of 30 people who were under the influence of psilocybin. The tight confines and loud noises of the scanner could be scary for someone on psilocybin, Nutt says. To minimize the chances of anyone having a bad trip, the researchers recruited people who’d taken hallucinogens previously, and they delivered the drug intravenously so that it would have a faster—and shorter—effect than, say, eating magic mushrooms.

The researchers performed two different types of MRI scans, one that measured blood flow throughout the brain and one that determined blood oxygenation, which neuroscientists generally assume is an indicator of neural activity. Contrary to the previous study, the scans showed that psilocybin reduces blood flow and neural activity in several brain regions, including the posterior cingulate cortex and medial prefrontal cortex. The researchers quizzed the volunteers after the psilocybin had worn off and found that people in which these regions were most inhibited tended to report the most intense hallucinatory experiences. Nutt says he’s not sure why the findings differ from those of the PET study, but he speculates that it could be due to the different time courses of the injectable drug his team used and the oral tablets used in the other research.

The posterior cingulate and medial prefrontal cortices are hubs in the so-called default mode network, a web of interconnected brain regions that becomes active when people allow their minds to wander. Some researchers have proposed that the default mode network is crucial for introspective thought and even for generating the sense of consciousness, and Nutt thinks the finding that psilocybin inhibits this network could help explain the surreal experiences the drug causes. “What I think is going on is that this network in the brain that pulls together a sense of self becomes less active,” he says, “and you get this fragmented or dissipated sense of being.”

“It’s a very interesting study that raises lots of new questions,” says Roland Griffiths, a psychopharmacologist at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland. He says the possibility that the drugs work by interfering with the default mode network is an appealing hypothesis that deserves further investigation.

Nutt and Griffiths are interested in the therapeutic potential of hallucinogenic drugs. Griffiths is involved in a pilot study testing whether psilocybin and psychotherapy can ease end-of-life anxiety in cancer patients. Nutt’s group is looking into using the drug to treat depression, and this week in The British Journal of Psychiatry, he and colleagues report that psilocybin can increase neural activity in brain regions related to memory when people recall events from their past. The drug also improved people’s ability to access personal memories and related emotions, which the researchers say could be helpful during psychotherapy.

Further readings and resources:

The representations of hallucinogenic mushrooms in the world (Sahara Desert, 9000-7000 BP)

Tsujikawa K., et al., Morphological and chemical analysis of magic mushrooms in Japan, Forensic Sci Int. 2003 Dec 17;138(1-3):85-90.

Morphological and toxicological analyses were performed on hallucinogenic mushrooms that are currently circulated in Japan. Researchers found: The psilocin/psilocybin contents in Psilocybe cubensis were in the range of 0.14-0.42%/0.37-1.30% in the whole mushroom (0.17-0.78%/0.44-1.35% in the cap and 0.09-0.30%/0.05-1.27% in the stem), respectively. The hallucinogenic alkaloids in Copelandia were 0.43-0.76%/0.08-0.22% in the whole mushroom (0.64-0.74%/0.02-0.22% in the cap and 0.31-0.78%/0.01-0.39% in the stem). It thus appears that P. cubensis is psilocybin-rich, whereas Copelandia is psilocin-rich.

Japanese Magic Mushrooms

Five types of Japanese poisonous wild mushrooms


Ritual tooth ablation: Why did prehistoric peoples pull out perfectly good teeth?

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The Jomon culture in the Japanese Archipelago, dating from 13,000 to 2300 years BP, practiced this ritual extensively for ceremonial purposes and during rites of passage.

According to FUNAHASHI Kyoko, her observations of tooth ablation through the ages was as follows:

1) In the Final Jomon period, the extraction of upper and lower canines and lower incisors were carried out when the recipients were between 13 and 20 years of age, and the percentages were 80-90%.
2) In the early Yayoi period, the extraction of upper and lower canines and lower incisors was carried out, at percentages of between 80-90%.
3) From the end of the Early Yayoi period, the extraction of upper and lower incisors, canines and premolars were carried out when the recipients were at adult and mature ages, and the percentage was low.

Anthropologists from the University of Nevada who studied Jomon tooth ablation samples detected five types of systems of tooth ablation, mostly based on kinship,  and the following extracted passage contains their reasoning that tooth ablation was practised because the altered appearance was crucial for the Jomon person’s self identity as well as a means of indicating his or her status within the Jomon community:

“The body is a physical symbol of membership in a social community, conveying social information in a permanent manner. It is shaped by and contributes to social rapport (Meskell, 1998). Changes in social environment can affect patterns of body modification, in this case dental ablation (Torres-Rouff, 2009). As the mouth is a primary social organ, teeth are one of the most visible parts of the body that are culturally treated through some form of cultural modification (filing, chipping, insets, ablation, etc.) to construct identity in relation to broader social and political networks (White et al., 2009).

Personal identity is a dynamic, multi-component concept that includes self-defined expressions of ethnicity, gender, sexuality, kinship, politics, religion, and age (Buikstra and Scott, 2009). The self-referential nature of the various parts of identity is limited by archaeological possibilities (Barth, 1969); hence,the body is needed to create a better understanding of how earlier peoples’ self identified social status within a community. Identity research is not a construction of who people were or where they came from, but represents an attempt to define who they thought they were  (Knudson and Stojanowski, 2009:5). It relates to the larger social phenomena that characterize an individual’s existence in society. Identity is a form of habitus   (Bourdieu 1977), indoctrinated into an individual’s sense of self by their culture.

For the Jomon, life milestones were commemorated by the extraction of different tooth classes. The removal of particular teeth immediately marked your place in society. The various examples (Figs. 1, 2,3, 4, 5, & 6) display individuals at different places/ranks within society. With a flash of a smile, one would know the individual’s family, if they were an adult or not, if they were married, if they had experienced the death of a loved one,or if they had children. There was no need to ask as your body openly displayed your identity.

All the common types of ablation noted by other scholars (Harunari. 1979; Kusaka et al., 2008; Kusaka et al., 2009; Temple et al., 2011) were observed in this sample.

Previously unnoted forms of ablation involved the extraction of the upper premolars (Type 4I4C2P in Figs. 6 & 6A) and upper and lowerpremolars Type 4C4P in Figs. 5 & 5A) for an unknown rite of passage. We do not attempt to attribute specific ablation patterns to particular life events, but

Scholars noted that ablation types vary between males and females, as well as between the young and the old, suggesting various levels of identity within the community.

It was considered that tooth ablation was carried out to shape the individual’s visage. Considering the human face is one of the most interactive parts of the body, not just a smile told of your place in society, but talking, laughing or even arresting open mouth, would indicate a person’s current identity or a change in social position within the Jomon community. Thus, dental ablation was an important part of Jomonese identity at the Yoshigo Shell Mound site.”

In the anthropology blogpost “Bones, Teeth and Climate Change in Japan“, an anthropology student looks at the question of whether tooth ablation was practised to indicate immigrant status. The relevant interesting observations and conclusions are extracted from the post below:

“A new study by Kusaka et al (2012) seeks to address similar types of changes by looking at migration during a period of population increase in Japan due to improving weather conditions.

The study aims to test two hypotheses: first, that there was an increase in immigrants to Japan from the middle to late Jomon period (5000-4000 BP to 4000-2300 BP), and second that ritual tooth ablation is a feature that can be used to distinguish immigrants from locals. Analysis of climate in this region has revealed a warming period from 7000-4000 BP, followed by a cooling period from 4000 to 1500 BP. During the warming era there was an increase in large settlements based on archaeology and a focus on marine and faunal resources based on isotope analysis. However, in the cooling period these large settlements were disbanded, and an increase in caries prevalence shows a changing focus on plant resources. It is this period of increased immigration that they wish to examine through ritual tooth ablation patterns and strontium isotope analysis.

Ritual tooth ablation is removal of specific teeth for ceremonial purposes or rites of passage. Analyses of these activities in this period have determined there are a number of types of ablation as suggested by Harunari (1979): 1) individuals with two maxillary incisors removed, representing the coming of age tooth ablation; 2) individuals with additional four mandibular incisors removed, whose burial offerings suggest high prestige; 3) individuals who lacked all canines and who were immigrants married to type 2 individuals; 4) individuals with all canines and four mandibular incisors removed; 5)  individuals with all canines and two mandibular central incisors removed, which characterize people married more than once. Since migration into a group meant a specific type of tooth ablation it should be possible to use this as an indicator of increased immigration.

Strontium isotope analysis revealed that only one individual from the Ota site was an outlier and all individuals from the Tsukumo site were within the same distribution. This means of the entire sample only one individual was identified as a potential immigrant based on isotopic analysis. Based on these results, the authors argue that either people weren’t moving as much as previously thought or they were moving to areas with similar strontium isotope signatures. If populations from the coast remained in these areas or moved only along the coast it would be difficult to determine migration from their strontium ratios. Comparing types of ritual tooth ablation with strontium isotope levels shows that there is no clear correlation between the ritual and migration. The site contained a number of individuals with type 4I tooth ablation, which was proposed by Harunari (1979) to be a sign of an immigrant, however these had the same strontium ratios as the types of ablation thought to be associated with locals.

Based on their analysis, Kusaka et al (2012) argue that there isn’t a correlation between ritual tooth ablation and immigration, and that movement of people in this region during the Jomon period needs to be re-assessed. Previous studies have argued the migration increased throughout Japan, but Kusaka et al (2012) posit that it may be restricted to movement in specific regions and not in the region they studied.”

According to M. Takenaka et al., “Tooth removal during ritual tooth ablation in the Jomon period”  ritual tooth ablation was practised from the Jomon through the protohistoric Kofun periods, but was most actively practised between the Late to Final Jomon periods. The study also confirmed above findings that ritual ablation was performed on teeth for visible effects, as incisors, canines, premolars were chosen (all visible teeth).

The same dental study also determined that the practice of tooth ablation was rather painful as it used not extractive methods (e.g. by means of a cord or forceps to remove the tooth), but the traumatic method (by strong force in a single blow) to remove teeth which sometimes resulted in incomplete removal of teeth leaving residual broken roots in about 10.2% of cases examined (5 out of 49 samples). OUCH!

Finally, some light may be thrown on possible common origins or relationships with continental populations, through the HAN and T. NAKAHASH study, “A comparative study of ritual tooth ablation in ancient China and Japan” which concluded:

 “In China, as far as it is known at present, ritual tooth ablation
first appeared among the people of the Shandong-North Jiangsu region, at least 6500 years ago, and then became very popular amongst the people of the Dawenkou culture of coastal China. In Japan, on the other hand, this custom was performed extensively among the people of the Late-Final Jomon period. This results in a time lag in their periods of prevalence of about 2000 years. There are also significant differences in the form of tooth ablation in ancient China and Japan. China is represented by the bilateral ablation of the upper lateral incisors (2I2 type), and with the exception of a small group, showed no remarkable temporal change after its inception. Ritual ablation in Japan was more complex and the number of teeth extracted during this custom’s most prevalent period was more numerous than that of China. On the other hand, there exist several points which
may suggest some relation between both countries, such as the basic similarities in the age at commencement of ablation, the prevalence of extraction of under incisors from the Late Jomon period in western Japan and the existence of the same tyle of ablation in the peoples of nearly the same period in China. Especially, as the abrupt increase of extraction of the upper lateral incisors in the people of the Yayoi period, such as Doigahama, who show morphological resemblances with the neolithic people of northern China, may suggest the influence of Chinese tradition.”

Locations of ritual tooth ablation in China and Japan

Locations of ritual tooth ablation in China and Japan

At the same time another paper reported evidence from the Nukdo site in Korea which faces Japan, of signs of ritual tooth ablation and given its strategic location, should be studied for possible cross-straits relations between the peoples (source: Fujita and Choi’s report, “Dental Information about Human Skeletal Remains from Nukdo, South Korea from a Period Corresponding to the Yayoi Period in Japan” J. Oral Biosci. (50)4 215-221, 2008

 

Ritual tooth ablation found in Nukdo site in Korea (compared with other ritual ablation sites in Japan)

Ritual tooth ablation found in Nukdo site in Korea (compared with other ritual ablation sites in Japan) Source: Fujita and Choi, 2008

Source and further readings:

FUNAHASHI Kyoko (Kyūshū University) “Ritual tooth ablation and social organization from the Final Jomon to the Yayoi in Northern Kyushu, Japan” – This study investigates the meaning of tooth ablation and its socio-cultural background in the period between the Final Jomon and the Yayoi in Northern Kyushu by examining a) the percentage of those who received tooth ablation among individual age/sex groups, b) attrition, and c) the pre-auricular groove of the ilium.

A Biocultural Perspective on Jomon Dental Ablation: Visage, Identity, and Social Status by Amanda R. Harvey, G. Richard Scott, and Evan Pellegrin

Bones, teeth and climate change in Japan by Katy Meyers Emergy citing:

- Harunari, H., 1979. Postmarital modes of residence of the Final Jomon period. J. Facul. Low Litera. Okayama Univ. 4,; and

- Soichiro Kusaka, Takanori Nakano, Wataru Morita, & Masato Nakatsukasa (2012). Strontium isotope analysis to reveal migration in relation to climate change and ritual tooth ablation of Jomon skeletal remains from western Japan Journal of Anthropological Archaeology DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2012.05.004

M. Takenaka et al., “Tooth removal during ritual tooth ablation in the Jomon period

Funahashi, K and Tanaka, Y (2001) ‘A study of the social meanings of lower tooth ablation in Yayoi period’ in Basic Structure of Human Societies, Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies of Kyushu university (ed), Study of the History of Exchange between the Kyushu island and the Korean Peninsula, Fukuoka: Midori insatsu

Funahashi, K (2003) ‘The age of tooth ablation and its ritual meanings in Jomon period’, Archaeological Research (50)1, 56-76

Funahashi Kyoko., 2000. Social meaning of a ritual tooth ablation in Doigahama group. Kobunkadanso, 25:pp43-71

Funahashi, K and Tanaka, Y (2001) ‘A study of the social meanings of lower tooth ablation in Yayoi period’ in Basic Structure of Human Societies, Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies of Kyushu university (ed), Study of the History of Exchange between the Kyushu island and the Korean Peninsula, Fukuoka: Midori insatsu

HAN KANGXIN and Takahiro NAKAHASHI, “A comparative study of ritual tooth ablation in ancient China and Japan” Anthropol. Sci. 104(1), 43-64, 1996

M. Takenaka et al., “Tooth removal during ritual tooth ablation in the Jomon period

Himiko and Japan’s Elusive Chiefdom of Yamatai” by Jonathan Edward Kidder:  Tooth ablation was a dying practice during the Kofun period.


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